BivalTyp

‘tell’

Argument frame: X (tell) Y
Stimulus sentence: P. told M. : (‘Call me this evening.’)
Predicate label Ru: говорить
Argument frame Ru: X (говорить) Y -у
Stimulus sentence Ru: П. сказал М. : ("Приходи ко мне в гости").

Abaza hʷa

Valency pattern: ERG_IO
X: ERG
Y: IO
Locus: Y
fatíma zaréma j-l-á-l-hʷa-ṭ: sas-rá s-pnə b-ʕa-j
pn pn 3 sg . n . abs -3 sg . f . io - dat -3 sg . f . erg -say( aor )- dcl guest- nml 1 sg . io -to 2 sg . f . abs - cisl -come( imp )
‘Fatima told Zarema: «Come to my place!».’
Note: The absolutive slot corresponds to the content of speech.

Adyghe (West Circassian) je-ʔʷe

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
dirjekterə-m č̣ʼelejeʁaǯʼe-m r-jə-ʔʷa-ʁ:
director- obl teacher- obl 3 sg . io + dat -3 sg . erg -say- pst
‘The director told the teacher: ...’

Aghul p.u-

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
aslan.a meʜemed.i-s p.u-ne…
pn ( erg ) pn - dat tell. pf - aor
‘Aslan told Muhammad: (‘...’)’

Akhvakh (Northern) eƛ’ƛ’uruƛa

Valency pattern: ERG_LAT
X: ERG
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
patħudi-de eƛ’ƛ’-ari musa-ga
pn - erg say- aor pn - lat
‘Pathudi told Musa.’

Andi (Zilo) rutɬ.i:

Valency pattern: ERG_INST
X: ERG
Y: INST
Locus: Y
ali-di umarħadʒi-qχi rutɬ.i: “…”
pn - erg pn - inst say. pst ( aor )
‘Ali said to Umargaji: “…”’

Arabic (Northern Syrian) gāl

Valency pattern: SBJ_l
X: SBJ
Y: l
Locus: Y
Aḥmad yəgūl lə Mḥammad taʕāl nẓayf-ek
pn say. ipf .3 m to pn come. ipv . s host. ipf .1 pl - o .2 m
‘Ahmad says to Muhammad: come visit us!’

Arabic (South Levantine, Nazareth) ḥ.k.a

Valency pattern: SBJ_la
X: SBJ
Y: la
Locus: Y
Shadi ḥaka la-Reem…
pn tell. pst .3 m . sg to- pn
‘Shadi told Reem….’

Arabic (standard) qāla

Valency pattern: NOM_liGEN
X: NOM
Y: liGEN
Locus: Y
Badr-un qāla li=Maryam-a
pn - nom say. pf .3 m to= pn - acc
‘Badr told Maryam.’

Archi bos

Valency pattern: ERG_CONT.ALL
X: ERG
Y: CONT.ALL
Locus: Y
paša-mu moħommad-li-r-ši bo
pn - obl . m ( erg ) pn - obl - cont - all say. pfv
‘Pasha told Muhammad.’

Assyrian Neo-Aramaic tanə

Valency pattern: SBJ_ka
X: SBJ
Y: ka
Locus: Y
+Ašur tuni-l ka +xor-u atə bet-u arxa
pn say. pst - ls .3 m to friend( m )- p .3 m come. prs house( m )- p .3 m guest( m )
‘Ashur told his friend: “Call me this evening.”’

Avar abize

Valency pattern: ERG_LOC
X: ERG
Y: LOC
Locus: Y
ʕali-ca aħmad-i-da niže-qe hobolɬu-q w-ač’-a-jila-n ab-una
pn - erg pn - obl - loc 1 pl . excl . obl - apudlat invitation. obl - apud m -come- imp . itr - quot - seq say- ipf
‘Ali told Ahmad to come to their place.’

Azerbaijani demək

Valency pattern: NOM_DATLAT
X: NOM
Y: DATLAT
Locus: Y
Aslan Rǝsul-a de-di biz-ǝ gǝl
pn pn - dat / lat say- pst (3) 1 pl - dat / lat come( imp )
‘Aslan told Rasul: "Come and visit us!"’

Bafut ʃwóŋə̂

Valency pattern: SBJ_mbo
X: SBJ
Y: mbo
Locus: Y
àmbɛ́ à kɨ̀ ʃwóŋə̂ mbô sùù tóŋə̂ ɣà fâ ŋ̀kwɛ̂fɔ̀
pn sm p 2 tell to pn call me this evening
‘Ambe told Suh: “Call me this evening”.’

Bambara fɔ́

Valency pattern: SBJ_ye
X: SBJ
Y: ye
Locus: Y
Sékù y'à fɔ́ Fántà yé: nà bɔ́ ń fɛ̀
pn pfv . tr .3 sg say pn as come go.out 1 sg by
‘Seku said to Fanta: call on me.’

Belarusian skazać

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Alieś skaza-ŭ Vasil-ju
pn [ nom . sg ] tell( pfv )- pst . sg . m pn - dat . sg
‘Ales told Vasil: ...’

Budugh yuʔu

Valency pattern: ERG_ADR
X: ERG
Y: ADR
Locus: Y
aslan-ır rosul-ovon yıpa-ci vın ye-ce quş
pn - erg pn - adr say. pf - aor 2. nom 1 pl . obl - loc come( imper )
‘Aslan told Rasul: come and visit us.’

Bulgarian кажа

Valency pattern: SBJ_DAT(na)
X: SBJ
Y: DAT(na)
Locus: Y
Петър каза на Михаил: "Ела ми на гости"
pn tell( pfv ). aor .3 sg on pn come( pfv ).2 sg . imp i . dat on guest. pl
‘Petar told Mihail: Come visit me.’

Catalan dir

Valency pattern: SBJ_NDIR.OBJ
X: SBJ
Y: NDIR.OBJ
Locus: Y
en Pere va dir al Marc…
def . sg . m pn ( m ) go.3 sg . prs . ind say. inf to. def . sg . m pn ( m )
‘Pere told Marc: …’
Note: Cf. "en Pere li va dir"

Chechen ael-

Valency pattern: ERG_ALL
X: ERG
Y: ALL
Locus: Y
Islam-as Nadir-aga ael-la
pn - erg pn - all say- prf
‘Islam told Nadir: ...’

Chinese (Mandarin) shuō

Valency pattern: SBJ_dui
X: SBJ
Y: dui
Locus: Y
Zhāngsān duì Lǐsì shuō
pn towards pn say
‘Zhangsan told Lisi.’

Chirag i

Valency pattern: ERG_SUPER
X: ERG
Y: SUPER
Locus: Y
ʡa̰li-le rasul-l-i ṵq’-e uč’-e...
pn - erg pn - obl - super ( m . sg )go- imp ( m . sg )say: pf - ipf .3
‘Ali said to Rasul: Go!’

Croatian reći

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Per-o je reka-o Miš-i: …
pn - nom . sg be. prs .3 sg tell- part . perf . m . sg pn - dat . sg
‘Pero told Mišo: ...’

Czech říct

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petr řek-l Michal-ovi: "…"
pn ( m )[ nom . sg ] tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( m )- dat . sg "…"
‘Petr told Michal "…".’

Danish sige

Valency pattern: SBJ_til
X: SBJ
Y: til
Locus: Y
Peter sagde til Marie: ...
pn say. pst to pn
‘Peter told Marie: ...’

Dargwa (Itsari) B-urs-uj

Valency pattern: ERG_ILL
X: ERG
Y: ILL
Locus: Y
Islam-il Nadir-ri-cːi b-urs-ib
pn - erg pn - obl - in ( lat ) n -tell. pfv - aor
‘Islam told Nadir.’

Dargwa (Kadar) es (PFV)

Valency pattern: ERG_IN
X: ERG
Y: IN
Locus: Y
meħamad-li ʡaˤšura-l-ze ib r-aš-i nam-ču
pn - erg pn - obl - in say. pfv . pret f -walk. ipfv - imp i . obl - ad
‘Muhammad told Ashura: "Come and visit me".’

Dargwa (Kaytag) bera

Valency pattern: ERG_INTER
X: ERG
Y: INTER
Locus: Y
Petja-l Miša-c:i biv kaˁ du-sa šet:ir
pn - erg pn - inter say. aor (3) come. pf 1 sg - ante as_guest
‘Petja told Misha: "Come and visit me".’

Dargwa (Kubachi)

Valency pattern: ERG_INTERLAT
X: ERG
Y: INTERLAT
Locus: Y
gal-di-l denil-cːe ha-aj
boy- obl - erg neighbor- inter ( lat ) say. pfv -3. aor . tr
‘The boy told his neighbour.’

Dargwa (Tsudakhar) b-urs-iz

Valency pattern: ERG/LOC(LAT)_INTER(LAT)
X: ERG/LOC(LAT)
Y: INTER(LAT)
Locus: Y
uršːi-le unra-c:e b-urs-ib
boy- erg / loc ( lat ) neighbor- inter ( lat ) n -tell- pret (3)
‘The boy told his neighbor.’

Dargwa (Tsugni) ag-i / ig-i

Valency pattern: ERG_INTER(LAT)
X: ERG
Y: INTER(LAT)
Locus: Y
durħaˤ-li zumra-cːe ag-ib
boy- erg neighbor- inter ( lat ) say. pfv - pret (3)
‘The boy told his neighbor.’

Dutch zeggen

Valency pattern: SBJ_tegen
X: SBJ
Y: tegen
Locus: Y
Piet zei tegen Marie
pn (С) say. pst against pn (С)
‘Piet told Marie: ...’

Enets (Forest) man

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
modʲi kasa-jʔ mana-ʃ genka-xo-da: mɛ-ko-nʲiʔ to-nʲi-d mɛziza-ʃ
i man- nom . sg .1 sg say( pfv )-3 sg . s . pst pn - dat . sg - obl . sg .3 sg chum- dat - obl . sg .1 sg come( pfv )- sbjv -2 sg . s be_on_visit( ipfv )- cvb
‘My friend told to Genka: “Come to my place to stay as a guest”’.

English tell

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: DO
Locus: TR
Peter told Mary: ‘Call me this evening.’

Estonian ütlema

Valency pattern: NOM_ALL
X: NOM
Y: ALL
Locus: Y
Peeter ütle-s Mareti-le: ...
pn . sg . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - all
‘Peeter said to Maret: ...’

Finnish sanoa

Valency pattern: NOM_ALL
X: NOM
Y: ALL
Locus: Y
Pekka san-oi Mati-lle:
pn . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - all
‘Pekka told Matti: ...’

French dire

Valency pattern: SBJ_NDIR.OBJ
X: SBJ
Y: NDIR.OBJ
Locus: Y
Paul a dit à Michel: viens me voir
pn ( m ) have. prs .3 sg say. pst . ptcp . m to pn ( m ) come. imp i . acc see. inf
‘Paul told Michel: “Come and see me.”’

Gban zè

Valency pattern: SBJ_nen
X: SBJ
Y: nen
Locus: Y
Zá̰ y ä zè Mɔ̰̈bì nɛ̰̀ nḭ́ bȅ nṵ̀ ḭ̀ yɔ́
pn 3 sg \ pst s/he/it say[ pfv . hod ] pn at that 2 sg . sbjv come[ sbjv ] i at
‘Zan told Monbi: “Come to my place”.’

Georgian Ø-e-ubn-eb-a (PRS)

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
p'et're-m mašo-s raγaca-Ø Ø-u-txr-a
pn - erg pn - dat something- nom io 3- ver : o -tell- sm - s 3 sg . pst
‘Petre told Masho something.’

German sagen

Valency pattern: NOM_zuDAT
X: NOM
Y: zuDAT
Locus: Y
“komm zu Besuch”, sag-te Karl zu Marie
come. imp to visit[ dat . sg ] say- pst .3 sg pn [ nom . sg ] to pn [ dat . sg ]
‘Karl told Marie: “Come to visit”.’

Hebrew (modern) amar

Valency pattern: SBJ_le
X: SBJ
Y: le
Locus: Y
Pinχas amar le Menaχem
pn say[ pst .3 sg . m ] to pn
‘Pinchas told Menachem.’

Hindi kahnā

Valency pattern: ERG_ABL
X: ERG
Y: ABL
Locus: Y
Pratīk ne Mohan se kah-ā…
pn ( m ). sg . obl erg pn ( m ). sg . obl abl  say. pfv - m . sg
‘Prateek told Mohan…’

Indonesian (standard) ber-kata

Valency pattern: SBJ_pada
X: SBJ
Y: pada
Locus: Y
Ali ber-kata pada Dewi
pn ber -say for pn
‘Ali told Dewi.’

Irish abair

Valency pattern: SBJ_le
X: SBJ
Y: le
Locus: Y
Dúirt Pól le Mícheal...
tell. pst pn with pn ...
‘Pól told Mícheal.’

Italian dire

Valency pattern: SBJ_NDIR.OBJ
X: SBJ
Y: NDIR.OBJ
Locus: Y
Leo ha detto a Maria: vieni a trovar-mi
pn ( m ) aux .3 sg . prs say. pst . ptcp to pn ( f ) come. imp .2 sg to find. inf -me
‘Leo told Maria: "Come visit me".’

Karata keƛ’ƛ’anɬa

Valency pattern: ERG_LAT
X: ERG
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
ʕali-l aħmat’-jar keƛ’ƛ’-en
pn - erg pn - lat say- pf
‘Ali told Ahmat.’

Kazakh ayt

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petya Maša-ɣa ayt-tï
pn pn - dat say- pst 1.3 sg
‘Petya told Masha: ...’

Khanty (Kazym) lŏpti

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
pet’a-j-en maša-j-en-a lŏp-ǝs: …
pn - ep - poss .2 sg pn - ep - poss .2 sg - dat tell- pst [3 sg ]
‘Petja told Maša: ...’

Khoekhoe mîba

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: OBL
Locus: TR
Petru-b ge Maria-s-a ge mîba
pn -3 m . sg decl pn -3 f . sg - obl pst tell
‘Peter told Maria.’

Khwarshi iƛa

Valency pattern: ERG_CONT.LAT
X: ERG
Y: CONT.LAT
Locus: Y
šamil-i di-qo-l iƛ-ƛa žan nišo horo=ƛƛa
pn - erg 1 sg . o - cont - lat say- pst . w more evening come. imp = quot
‘Shamil told me: “Come again tonight”.’

Kpelle (Guinean) kɛ́

Valency pattern: SBJ_bha
X: SBJ
Y: bha
Locus: Y
Pépèe yɛ̀ Hèhee ɓà: Pá é gáa
pn 3 sg .say pn on1 come 2 sg 1 sg \see
‘Pepee told Hehee: Come see me.’

Kryz (Alik) lipic

Valency pattern: ERG_ADR
X: ERG
Y: ADR
Locus: Y
terlan-ir rasul-van lip-uc-ki ja-vas ʕaşa
pn - erg pn - adr say. pfv - aor . n - compl 1 plexcl . obl - cum come. imper . m
‘Terlan told Rasul: “Come to our place!”’

Kryz (Ismayilli) lupuc

Valency pattern: ERG_ADR
X: ERG
Y: ADR
Locus: Y
aslan-ir rasul-uvan lar ki ya-xun ʕaşe
pn - erg pn - adr say that 1 pl . obl - dir come. imper . m
‘Aslan told Rasul: "Come and visit us!"’

Kryz (proper) ʕuxhric

Valency pattern: ERG_ADR
X: ERG
Y: ADR
Locus: Y
aslan-ir rasul-van leyir ja-xun ʕuşa
pn - erg pn - adr say. prs 1 pl . excl . obl - dir come_level. imper
‘Aslan told Rasul: "Come and visit me!"’

Kumyk ajtmaq

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
patimat musa-ʁa ajt-d-ɨ
pn pn - dat say- pst -3 sg
‘Patimat told Musa.’

Kurdish (Sorani) witin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be
X: SBJ.TR
Y: be
Locus: Y
Hîwa be Perî=î wit-Ø ewr̂o zeng=im bo lê-d-e
pn to pn =3 sg . pc tell. pst -3 sg today bell=1 sg . pc for prev -hit. imp -2 sg
‘Hiwa told Peri to call him today.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense. The 1SG.PC morpheme indexes the complement of the adposition.

Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish) gotin (tr)

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_jiOBLre
X: SBJ.TR
Y: jiOBLre
Locus: Y
wer serdan-ê jinik-ê ji zilam re got
come. imp . sg visit- obl . f woman- obl . f from man to say. pfv . sg
‘“Come for a visit!” — said the woman to the man.’

Lak (Quba)

Valency pattern: GEN_APUD
X: GEN
Y: APUD
Locus: Y
Maħammad-u-l u<w>k-und-i Aˁšura-x : b-uxːu tːu-č'a-n qmalu
pn - obl - gen <1>say- aor -3 p pn - apud 3-come. imp i - cont - lat guest
‘Mohammad told Ashura: “Come and visit me”.’

Latin dico

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
haec nobis Attal-us dix-it, natur-a omn-ibus dix-it
this. acc . sg . n we. dat pn ( m )- nom . sg say[ prf . ind ]- act .3 sg nature( f )- nom . sg each- dat . pl say[ prf . ind ]- act .3 sg
‘Attalus told it to us, and the nature told it to everyone.’
Note: (Sen. Ep. 110, 20)

Laz o-c'-um-u

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Käzim-i-k Fatma-s Ø-u-c'-u
pn - b - erg pn - dat io 3- ver : o -tell- s 3 sg . pst
‘Käzim told Fatma.’

Lezgian (Yargun) luhun

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Sahib-a Eldar-a-z laha-na
pn - erg pn - obl - dat say. pfv - aor
‎‎‎‘Sahib told Eldar.’

Macedonian reče

Valency pattern: SBJ_DAT(na)
X: SBJ
Y: DAT(na)
Locus: Y
Petar ì reče na Maja: “Dojd-i na gost-i kaj mene!”
pn pro .3 sg . dat . f tell( pfv ). aor .3 sg on pn come( pfv )-2 sg . imp on guest- pl at i . obl
‘Petar told Maja: come to my place.’

Maninka (Eastern) fɔ́

Valency pattern: SBJ_nye
X: SBJ
Y: nye
Locus: Y
Sékù kà à fɔ́ Fántà ɲɛ́: nà bɔ́ ń mà.
pn aor . tr 3 sg say pn before come exit 1 sg adr
‘Seku told Fanta: call me.’

Mano gèē

Valency pattern: SBJ_lee
X: SBJ
Y: lee
Locus: Y
Pèé ā gèē ŋ̄ lɛ̀ɛ̄
pn 3 sg . pst >3 sg say 1 sg to
‘Pe told me..’
Note: Dummy 3SG direct object.

Mansi (Northern) lāwəs

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
pājel kol’i-n lāw-əs …
pn pn - lat say- pst .3 sg
‘Pasha told Kolja....’

Mehweb es

Valency pattern: ERG_CONT.LAT
X: ERG
Y: CONT.LAT
Locus: Y
Patʼimat-li-ni ib Musa-li-ze: "ħu di-šu ʡoˤχlad-deš-in w-akʼ-e"
pn - obl - erg say: pfv . aor pn - obl - cont ( lat ) you.sg i . obl - apud ( lat ) visiting- nmlz - erg m -come: pfv - imp
‘Patimat told Musa: come and visit me.’

Mingrelian Ø-u-c'-in-s (FUT)

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
čelo-k anučia-s Ø-u-c'-u
pn - erg pn - dat io 3- ver : o -tell- s 3 sg . pst
‘Chelo told Anuchia.’

Nanai un-

Valency pattern: NOM_DIR
X: NOM
Y: DIR
Locus: Y
Petia Maša-či uŋ-ki-ni
pn pn - dir tell- pst - p .3 sg
‘Petia told Masha: ...’

Nivkh xеrd

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: DO
Locus: TR
Kaskazik Ajsana + xеr-d ɲе-rχ pʰr̥ə-r̥ cʰma-ja
pn pn + tell- ind 1 sg - dat / add come- cvb _ nar visit- imp .2 sg
‘Kaskazik told Ajsana: “Come and visit me!”’

Norwegian Bokmål å si

Valency pattern: SBJ_til
X: SBJ
Y: til
Locus: Y
«kom på besøk» sa Per til Ola
«come. imp on visit» say. pst pn to pn
‘Per told Ola: "Come and visit".’

Oromo (West Central) dʒeɗa

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
obsaa-n tolaa-ɗaan "..." dʒeɗ-e
pn - nom pn - ins … say-3 sg . m . pfv
‘Obsa said to Tola... ’

Persian goftan

Valency pattern: NOM_beNOM
X: NOM
Y: beNOM
Locus: Y
ahmad be mariam goft
pn to pn say. pst .3 sg
‘Ahmad told Mariam.’

Polish powiedzieć

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Franek powiedzia-ł Anc-e
pn [ nom . sg ] tell: pfv - pst [ m .3 sg ] pn - dat . sg
‘Franek told Anka.’

Portuguese (Brazilian) dizer

Valency pattern: SBJ_para
X: SBJ
Y: para
Locus: Y
Pedro disse para Miguel: «…»
pn ( m ) say.3 sg . pst towards pn ( m )
‘Pedro told Miguel: ‘…’.’

Romani (Kalderash) phenel

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
o Murš-a phen-ď-a man-gə
art . m . dir . sg pn - nom . sg tell- pst -3 sg i - dat
‘Murša told me.’

Russian skazatʹ

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Pet-ja skaza-l Maš-e prixod-i ko mne v gost-i
pn ( m )- nom . sg tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( f )- dat . sg come( ipfv )- imp . sg to i . dat in guest( m )- acc 2. pl
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’

Rutul (Kina) huxur

Valency pattern: ERG_APUD
X: ERG
Y: APUD
Locus: Y
rasul-a huxu-r ramazan-da
pn - erg 4.tell. pfv - cvb pn - apud
‘Rasul told Ramazan.’

Rutul (Mukhad) huxun

Valency pattern: ERG_AD
X: ERG
Y: AD
Locus: Y
murad-a q'urban-da huxu-ri
pn - erg pn - ad ( n ) pf .say- aor
‘Murad told Kurban.’

Rutul (Shinaz) xu-n

Valency pattern: ERG_AD
X: ERG
Y: AD
Locus: Y
basir xu-rɨ karam-da
pn ( erg ) say. pf - perf pn - ad
‘Basir told Karam.’

Rutul (Southern) huxhun

Valency pattern: ERG_AD
X: ERG
Y: AD
Locus: Y
murad-a natig-ı-da huxhu-r
pn - erg pn - obl - ad n .say. pf - aor
‘Murad told Natig.’

Saami (Skolt) ceäʹlǩǩed

Valency pattern: NOM_ILL
X: NOM
Y: ILL
Locus: Y
Peâtt cieʹlǩ-i Märjj-a:
pn . sg . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - sg . ill
‘Pete told Maria: “...”.’

Serbian reći

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petar je reka-o Marij-i
pn . nom . sg be. prs .3 sg tell- part . perf . m . sg pn - dat . sg
‘Petar told Maria.’

Shughni lůvdow

Valency pattern: NOM.CL_LAT
X: NOM.CL
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
Azim=i Lola-yard lůd: te tar čīd-aθ
pn =3 sg pn - lat say. pst go. imper eq house- adv
‘Azim told Lola: go home.’

Slovak povedať

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Peter poveda-l Mark-ovi: "…"
pn ( m )[ nom . sg ] tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( m )- dat . sg "…"
‘Peter told Marek: "…".’

Slovenian povedati

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Peter je poveda-l An-i
pn [ nom . sg ] aux .3 sg tell: pfv - lpt [ m . sg ] pn - dat . sg
‘Peter told Ana.’

Spanish decir

Valency pattern: SBJ_NDIR.OBJ
X: SBJ
Y: NDIR.OBJ
Locus: Y
Pedro ha dich-o a María: ven a ver-me
pn [ sg . m ] aux .3 sg tell- ptcp : prf ndir . obj pn [ sg . f ] come. imp to see. inf - dir . obj .1 sg
‘Pedro told Maria: come to my place!’

Svan x-a-t'uːl-i (PRS)

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
maizer-d lile-s x-äː-kw-e
pn - erg pn - dat io 3- ver : sup -tell- pst
‘Maizer told Lile.’

Swedish att säga

Valency pattern: SBJ_till
X: SBJ
Y: till
Locus: Y
“Kom på besök”, sade Björn till Maja
come. imp on visit say. pst pn to pn
‘Björn told Maja: “Come and visit”.’

Tabasaran (Kandyk)

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
fatima-ji maˁhaˁmad.a-z fu vuš ʁa-p-nu
pn - erg pn - dat something pf -say- pst
‘Fatima told Mahamad something.’

Tagalog sabihan

Valency pattern: ACT_LOC
X: ACT
Y: LOC
Locus: Y
s<in>abih-an ni Pedro si Miguel
< pfv >say- lv pers . gen pn pers . subj pn
‘Pedro told Miguel.’

Telugu ceppu

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
pravīṇ maheṣ-ku ceppāḍu
pn ( m ). sg . nom pn ( m ). sg . obl - dat say. pst .3 sg . m
‘Praveen told Mahesh...’

Tsakhur uvhay

Valency pattern: ERG_AFF
X: ERG
Y: AFF
Locus: Y
murad-ee aydın-ı-k’le uvha-yn
pn - erg pn - obl - aff say. pf - ptcp . n
‘Murad told Aydin.’

Tswana bolelela

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: DO
Locus: TR
o-m-polel-ets-e gore ngw-ana o-bu-il-e ma-aka
s i :cl1-o i :1 sg -tell- appl . prf - fv that sg -child(1) s i :cl1-tell- prf - fv pl -lie(6)
‘S/he told me that the child was lying.’

Turkish demek

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Mehmet Filiz-e de-di ki, “Misafirliğ-e gel-Ø!”
pn pn - dat say- pst that visit- dat come- imp
‘Mehmet told Filiz: “Come to visit me”’.

Turoyo omər

Valency pattern: SBJ_IO
X: SBJ
Y: IO
Locus: Y
Šabo mər-le l Maryam ʕaṣriye haw-li talafon
pn say. pfv - ls .3 m to pn evening give. imp . sg - ls .1 sg telephone
‘Shabo told Maryam: “Call me in the evening.”’

Twi kakyerε

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: DO
Locus: TR
Kofi kakyerε-ε nana
pn tell- pst grandfather
‘Kofi told grandfather.’

Udmurt verani̮

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Pet'a Maša-li̮ vera-ʒ́ ...
pn . nom pn - dat say- pst .3 sg
‘Petja said to Masha: …’

Ukrainian skazaty

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petr-o skaza-v Marij-i
pn ( m )- nom . sg tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( f )- dat . sg
‘Petro told Mariya: …’

Ulcha wən-

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ti wən-či-n: ńimər-u min-ti!
male child female child- lat say- pst -3 sg visit- imp i - lat
‘The boy told the girl: come and visit me!’

Uzbek demoq

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petya Maša-ga: “mehmon-ga kel” de-di
pn pn - dat visit- dat come. imp say- pst .3 sg
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’

Wolof ne

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: OBJ
Locus: TR
Gaynde ne y-eneen rab y-i gan g-i nit la
pn tell cl y -other animal( w ) cl y - def stranger( g ) cl g - def person( k /Ñ) e q cop
‘Gaynde (Lion) told the other animals: "The stranger is a human being".’

Yukaghir (Northern) mon=

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Sǝmiǝn Əkulˈǝ-ŋinˈ mon-i
pn pn - dat tell- intr .3 sg
‘Semien told Akulina.’

Zazaki

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_re.PSTP
X: SBJ.TR
Y: re.PSTP
Locus: Y
oxɨr-i hɛsɛn-i=re vat
pn - m . obl pn - m . obl =for say. pst
‘Oxir told Hesen.’