‘tell’
Argument frame: | X (tell) Y |
Stimulus sentence: | P. told M. : (‘Call me this evening.’) |
Predicate label Ru: | говорить |
Argument frame Ru: | X (говорить) Y -у |
Stimulus sentence Ru: | П. сказал М. : ("Приходи ко мне в гости"). |
Abaza hʷa
Valency pattern: ERG_IO |
X: ERG |
Y: IO |
Locus: Y |
fatíma | zaréma | j-l-á-l-hʷa-ṭ: | sas-rá | s-pnə | b-ʕa-j |
pn | pn | 3 sg . n . abs -3 sg . f . io - dat -3 sg . f . erg -say( aor )- dcl | guest- nml | 1 sg . io -to | 2 sg . f . abs - cisl -come( imp ) |
‘Fatima told Zarema: «Come to my place!».’ | |||||
Note: The absolutive slot corresponds to the content of speech. |
Aghul p.u-
Valency pattern: ERG_DAT |
X: ERG |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
aslan.a | meʜemed.i-s | p.u-ne… |
pn ( erg ) | pn - dat | tell. pf - aor |
‘Aslan told Muhammad: (‘...’)’ |
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic tanə
Valency pattern: SBJ_ka |
X: SBJ |
Y: ka |
Locus: Y |
+Ašur | tuni-l | ka | +xor-u | atə | bet-u | arxa |
pn | say. pst - ls .3 m | to | friend( m )- p .3 m | come. prs | house( m )- p .3 m | guest( m ) |
‘Ashur told his friend: “Call me this evening.”’ |
Brazilian Portuguese dizer
Valency pattern: SBJ_para |
X: SBJ |
Y: para |
Locus: Y |
Pedro | disse | para | Miguel: «…» |
pn ( m ) | say.3 sg . pst | towards | pn ( m ) |
‘Pedro told Miguel: ‘…’.’ |
Catalan dir
Valency pattern: SBJ_DAT |
X: SBJ |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
en | Pere | va | dir | al | Marc… |
def . sg . m | pn ( m ) | go.3 sg . prs . ind | say. inf | to. def . sg . m | pn ( m ) |
‘Pere told Marc: …’ | |||||
Note: Cf. "en Pere li va dir" |
Czech říct
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petr | řek-l | Michal-ovi: | "…" |
pn ( m )[ nom . sg ] | tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] | pn ( m )- dat . sg | "…" |
‘Petr told Michal "…".’ |
Danish sige
Valency pattern: SBJ_til |
X: SBJ |
Y: til |
Locus: TR |
Peter | sagde | til | Marie: ... |
pn | say. pst | to | pn |
‘Peter told Marie: ...’ |
Dutch zeggen
Valency pattern: SBJ_tegen |
X: SBJ |
Y: tegen |
Locus: Y |
Piet | zei | tegen | Marie |
pn (С) | say. pst | against | pn (С) |
‘Piet told Marie: ...’ |
Estonian ütlema
Valency pattern: NOM_ALL |
X: NOM |
Y: ALL |
Locus: Y |
Peeter | ütles | Mareti-le: ... |
pn . sg . nom | say- pst .3 sg | pn - all |
‘Peeter said to Maret: ...’ |
Finnish sanoa
Valency pattern: NOM_ALL |
X: NOM |
Y: ALL |
Locus: Y |
Pekka | san-oi | Mati-lle: |
pn . nom | say- pst .3 sg | pn - all |
‘Pekka told Matti: ...’ |
Forest Enets man
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
modʲi | kasa-jʔ | mana-ʃ | genka-xo-da: | mɛ-ko-nʲiʔ | to-nʲi-d | mɛziza-ʃ |
i | man- nom . sg .1 sg | say( pfv )-3 sg . s . pst | pn - dat . sg - obl . sg .3 sg | chum- dat - obl . sg .1 sg | come( pfv )- sbjv -2 sg . s | be_on_visit( ipfv )- cvb |
‘My friend told to Genka: “Come to my place to stay as a guest”’. |
German sagen
Valency pattern: NOM_zuDAT |
X: NOM |
Y: zuDAT |
Locus: Y |
“komm | zu-m | Besuch”, | sag-te | Karl | zu | Marie |
come. imp | to- dem . m . dat . sg | visit[ dat . sg ] | say- pst .3 sg | pn [ nom . sg ] | to | pn [ dat . sg ] |
‘Karl told Marie: “Come to visit”.’ |
Italian dire
Valency pattern: SBJ_a |
X: SBJ |
Y: a |
Locus: Y |
Leo | ha | detto | a | Maria |
pn ( m ) | aux .3 sg . prs | say. pst . ptcp | to | pn ( f ) |
‘Leo told Maria.’ |
Kazakh ayt
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petya | Maša-ɣa | ayt-tï |
pn | pn - dat | say- pst 1.3 sg |
‘Petya told Masha: ...’ |
Kazym Khanty lŏpti
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
pet’a-j-en | maša-j-en-a | lŏp-ǝs: … |
pn - ep - poss .2 sg | pn - ep - poss .2 sg - dat | tell- pst [3 sg ] |
‘Petja told Maša: ...’ |
Latin dico
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
haec | nobis | Attal-us | dix-it, | natur-a | omn-ibus | dix-it |
this. acc . sg . n | we. dat | pn ( m )- nom . sg | say[ prf . ind ]- act .3 sg | nature( f )- nom . sg | each- dat . pl | say[ prf . ind ]- act .3 sg |
‘Attalus told it to us, and the nature told it to everyone.’ | ||||||
Note: (Sen. Ep. 110, 20) |
Modern Hebrew amar
Valency pattern: SBJ_le |
X: SBJ |
Y: le |
Locus: Y |
Pinχas | amar | le | Menaχem |
pn | say[ pst .3 sg . m ] | to | pn |
‘Pinchas told Menachem.’ |
Nanai un-
Valency pattern: NOM_DIR |
X: NOM |
Y: DIR |
Locus: Y |
Petia | Maša-či | uŋ-ki-ni |
pn | pn - dir | tell- pst - p .3 sg |
‘Petia told Masha: ...’ |
Nivkh xеrd
Valency pattern: TR |
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Kaskazik | Ajsana | + | xеr-d | ɲе-rχ | pʰr̥ə-r̥ | cʰma-ja |
pn | pn | + | tell- ind | 1 sg - dat / add | come- cvb _ nar | visit- imp .2 sg |
‘Kaskazik told Ajsana: “Come and visit me!”’ |
Norwegian Bokmål å si
Valency pattern: SBJ_til |
X: SBJ |
Y: til |
Locus: Y |
«kom | på | besøk» | sa | Per | til | Ola |
«come. imp | on | visit» | say. pst | pn | to | pn |
‘Per told Ola: "Come and visit".’ |
Polish powiedzieć
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Franek | powiedzia-ł | Anc-e |
pn [ nom . sg ] | tell: pfv - pst [ m .3 sg ] | pn - dat . sg |
‘Franek told Anka.’ |
Russian skazatʹ
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Pet-ja | skaza-l | Maš-e | prixod-i | ko | mne | v | gost-i |
pn ( m )- nom . sg | tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] | pn ( f )- dat . sg | come( ipfv )- imp . sg | to | i . dat | in | guest( m )- acc 2. pl |
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’ |
Rutul huxur
Valency pattern: ERG_APUD |
X: ERG |
Y: APUD |
Locus: Y |
rasul-a | huxu-r | ramazan-da |
pn - erg | 4.tell. pfv - cvb | pn - apud |
‘Rasul told Ramazan.’ |
Serbian rekao
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petar | je | reka-o | Marij-i |
pn . nom . sg | быть. prs .3 sg | сказать- part . perf . m . sg | pn - dat . sg |
‘Петар сказал Марии.’ |
Shughni lůvdow
Valency pattern: NOM_LAT |
X: NOM |
Y: LAT |
Locus: Y |
Azim=i | Lola-yard | lůd: | te | tar | čīd-aθ |
pn =3 sg | pn - lat | say. pst | go. imper | eq | house- adv |
‘Azim told Lola: go home.’ |
Skolt Saami ceäʹlǩǩed
Valency pattern: NOM_ILL |
X: NOM |
Y: ILL |
Locus: Y |
Peâtt | cieʹlǩ-i | Märjj-a: |
pn . sg . nom | say- pst .3 sg | pn - sg . ill |
‘Pete told Maria: “...”.’ |
Slovenian povedati
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Peter | je | poveda-l | An-i |
pn [ nom . sg ] | aux .3 sg | tell: pfv - lpt [ m . sg ] | pn - dat . sg |
‘Peter told Ana.’ |
Spanish decir
Valency pattern: SBJ_NDIR.OBJ |
X: SBJ |
Y: NDIR.OBJ |
Locus: Y |
Pedro | ha | dich-o | a | María: | ven | a | ver-me |
pn [ sg . m ] | aux .3 sg | tell- ptcp : prf | ndir . obj | pn [ sg . f ] | come. imp | to | see. inf - dir . obj .1 sg |
‘Pedro told Maria: come to my place!’ |
Swedish att säga
Valency pattern: SBJ_till |
X: SBJ |
Y: till |
Locus: Y |
“Kom | på | besök”, | sade | Björn | till | Maja |
come. imp | on | visit | say. pst | pn | to | pn |
‘Björn told Maja: “Come and visit”.’ |
Turkish demek
Valency pattern: NOM_DAT |
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Mehmet | Filiz-e | de-di | ki, | “Misafirliğ-e | gel-Ø!” |
pn | pn - dat | say- pst | that | visit- dat | come- imp |
‘Mehmet told Filiz: “Come to visit me”’. |
Ulcha wən-
Valency pattern: NOM_LAT |
X: NOM |
Y: LAT |
Locus: Y |
xusə | piktə | əktə | piktə-ti | wən-či-n: | ńimər-u | min-ti! |
male | child | female | child- lat | say- pst -3 sg | visit- imp | i - lat |
‘The boy told the girl: come and visit me!’ |
Zilo Andi rutɬ.i:
Valency pattern: ERG_INST |
X: ERG |
Y: INST |
Locus: Y |
ali-di | umarħadʒi-qχi | rutɬ.i: “…” |
pn - erg | pn - inst | say. pst ( aor ) |
‘Ali said to Umargaji: “…”’ |