‘tell’
Argument frame: |
X
(tell)
Y
|
Stimulus sentence: |
P.
told
M.
: (‘Call me this evening.’)
|
Predicate label Ru: |
говорить
|
Argument frame Ru: |
X
(говорить)
Y
-у
|
Stimulus sentence Ru: |
П.
сказал
М.
: ("Приходи ко мне в гости").
|
Abaza
hʷa
Valency pattern:
ERG_IO
|
X: ERG |
Y: IO |
Locus: Y |
fatíma |
zaréma |
j-l-á-l-hʷa-ṭ: |
sas-rá |
s-pnə |
b-ʕa-j |
pn
|
pn
|
3
sg
.
n
.
abs
-3
sg
.
f
.
io
-
dat
-3
sg
.
f
.
erg
-say(
aor
)-
dcl
|
guest-
nml
|
1
sg
.
io
-to
|
2
sg
.
f
.
abs
-
cisl
-come(
imp
)
|
‘Fatima told Zarema: «Come to my place!».’ |
Note: The absolutive slot corresponds to the content of speech. |
Adyghe
je-ʔʷe
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
X: ERG |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
dirjekterə-m |
č̣ʼelejeʁaǯʼe-m |
r-jə-ʔʷa-ʁ: |
директор-
obl
|
учитель-
obl
|
3
sg
.
io
+
dat
-3
sg
.
erg
-сказать-
pst
|
‘Директор сказал учителю: ...’ |
Aghul
p.u-
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
X: ERG |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
aslan.a |
meʜemed.i-s |
p.u-ne… |
pn
(
erg
)
|
pn
-
dat
|
tell.
pf
-
aor
|
‘Aslan told Muhammad: (‘...’)’ |
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic
tanə
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ka
|
X: SBJ |
Y: ka |
Locus: Y |
+Ašur |
tuni-l |
ka |
+xor-u |
atə |
bet-u |
arxa |
pn
|
say.
pst
-
ls
.3
m
|
to
|
friend(
m
)-
p
.3
m
|
come.
prs
|
house(
m
)-
p
.3
m
|
guest(
m
)
|
‘Ashur told his friend: “Call me this evening.”’ |
Bambara
fɔ́
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ye
|
X: SBJ |
Y: ye |
Locus: Y |
Sékù |
y'à |
fɔ́ |
Fántà |
yé: |
nà |
bɔ́ |
ń |
fɛ̀ |
pn
|
pfv
.
tr
.3
sg
|
say
|
pn
|
as
|
come
|
go.out
|
1
sg
|
by
|
‘Seku said to Fanta: call on me.’ |
Brazilian Portuguese
dizer
Valency pattern:
SBJ_para
|
X: SBJ |
Y: para |
Locus: Y |
Pedro |
disse |
para |
Miguel: «…» |
pn
(
m
)
|
say.3
sg
.
pst
|
towards
|
pn
(
m
)
|
‘Pedro told Miguel: ‘…’.’ |
Catalan
dir
Valency pattern:
SBJ_DAT
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
en |
Pere |
va |
dir |
al |
Marc… |
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
go.3
sg
.
prs
.
ind
|
say.
inf
|
to.
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
‘Pere told Marc: …’ |
Note: Cf. "en Pere li va dir" |
Czech
říct
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petr |
řek-l |
Michal-ovi: |
"…" |
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
tell(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
pn
(
m
)-
dat
.
sg
|
"…"
|
‘Petr told Michal "…".’ |
Danish
sige
Valency pattern:
SBJ_til
|
X: SBJ |
Y: til |
Locus: TR |
Peter |
sagde |
til |
Marie: ... |
pn
|
say.
pst
|
to
|
pn
|
‘Peter told Marie: ...’ |
Dutch
zeggen
Valency pattern:
SBJ_tegen
|
X: SBJ |
Y: tegen |
Locus: Y |
Piet |
zei |
tegen |
Marie |
pn
(С)
|
say.
pst
|
against
|
pn
(С)
|
‘Piet told Marie: ...’ |
Eastern Maninka
fɔ́
Valency pattern:
SBJ_nye
|
X: SBJ |
Y: nye |
Locus: Y |
Sékù |
kà |
à |
fɔ́ |
Fántà |
ɲɛ́: |
nà |
bɔ́ |
ń |
mà. |
pn
|
aor
.
tr
|
3
sg
|
say
|
pn
|
before
|
come
|
exit
|
1
sg
|
adr
|
‘Seku told Fanta: call me.’ |
English
tell
Valency pattern:
TR
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Peter |
told |
Mary: |
‘Call |
me |
this |
evening.’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Estonian
ütlema
Valency pattern:
NOM_ALL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ALL |
Locus: Y |
Peeter |
ütles |
Mareti-le: ... |
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
say-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
-
all
|
‘Peeter said to Maret: ...’ |
Finnish
sanoa
Valency pattern:
NOM_ALL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ALL |
Locus: Y |
Pekka |
san-oi |
Mati-lle: |
pn
.
nom
|
say-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
-
all
|
‘Pekka told Matti: ...’ |
Forest Enets
man
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
modʲi |
kasa-jʔ |
mana-ʃ |
genka-xo-da: |
mɛ-ko-nʲiʔ |
to-nʲi-d |
mɛziza-ʃ |
i
|
man-
nom
.
sg
.1
sg
|
say(
pfv
)-3
sg
.
s
.
pst
|
pn
-
dat
.
sg
-
obl
.
sg
.3
sg
|
chum-
dat
-
obl
.
sg
.1
sg
|
come(
pfv
)-
sbjv
-2
sg
.
s
|
be_on_visit(
ipfv
)-
cvb
|
‘My friend told to Genka: “Come to my place to stay as a guest”’. |
French
dire
Valency pattern:
SBJ_a
|
X: SBJ |
Y: a |
Locus: Y |
Paul |
a |
dit |
à |
Michel: |
viens |
me |
voir |
pn
(
m
)
|
have.
prs
.3
sg
|
say.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
to
|
pn
(
m
)
|
come.
imp
|
i
.
acc
|
see.
inf
|
‘Paul told Michel: “Come and see me.”’ |
Georgian
Ø-e-ubn-eb-a (PRS)
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
X: ERG |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
p'et're-m |
mašo-s |
raγaca-Ø |
Ø-u-txr-a |
pn
-
erg
|
pn
-
dat
|
something-
nom
|
io
3-
ver
:
o
-tell-
sm
-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
‘Petre told Masho something.’ |
German
sagen
Valency pattern:
NOM_zuDAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: zuDAT |
Locus: Y |
“komm |
zu |
Besuch”, |
sag-te |
Karl |
zu |
Marie |
come.
imp
|
to
|
visit[
dat
.
sg
]
|
say-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
to
|
pn
[
dat
.
sg
]
|
‘Karl told Marie: “Come to visit”.’ |
Irish
abair
Valency pattern:
SBJ_le
|
X: SBJ |
Y: le |
Locus: Y |
Dúirt |
Pól |
le |
Mícheal... |
tell.
pst
|
pn
|
with
|
pn
...
|
‘Pól told Mícheal.’ |
Italian
dire
Valency pattern:
SBJ_a
|
X: SBJ |
Y: a |
Locus: Y |
Leo |
ha |
detto |
a |
Maria |
pn
(
m
)
|
aux
.3
sg
.
prs
|
say.
pst
.
ptcp
|
to
|
pn
(
f
)
|
‘Leo told Maria.’ |
Kalderash Romani
phenel
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
o |
Murš-a |
phen-ď-a |
man-gə |
art
.
m
.
dir
.
sg
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
tell-
pst
-3
sg
|
i
-
dat
|
‘Murša told me.’ |
Kazakh
ayt
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petya |
Maša-ɣa |
ayt-tï |
pn
|
pn
-
dat
|
say-
pst
1.3
sg
|
‘Petya told Masha: ...’ |
Kazym Khanty
lŏpti
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
pet’a-j-en |
maša-j-en-a |
lŏp-ǝs: … |
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.2
sg
|
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.2
sg
-
dat
|
tell-
pst
[3
sg
]
|
‘Petja told Maša: ...’ |
Khwarshi
Valency pattern:
ERG_CONT.LAT
|
X: ERG |
Y: CONT.LAT |
Locus: Y |
šamil-i |
di-qo-l |
iƛ-ƛa |
žan |
nišo |
horo=ƛƛa |
pn
-
erg
|
1
sg
.
o
-
cont
-
lat
|
говорить-
pst
.
w
|
еще
|
вечер
|
приходить.
imp
=
quot
|
‘Шамиль мне сказал «Приходи вечером еще».’ |
Kina Rutul
huxur
Valency pattern:
ERG_APUD
|
X: ERG |
Y: APUD |
Locus: Y |
rasul-a |
huxu-r |
ramazan-da |
pn
-
erg
|
4.tell.
pfv
-
cvb
|
pn
-
apud
|
‘Rasul told Ramazan.’ |
Latin
dico
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
haec |
nobis |
Attal-us |
dix-it, |
natur-a |
omn-ibus |
dix-it |
this.
acc
.
sg
.
n
|
we.
dat
|
pn
(
m
)-
nom
.
sg
|
say[
prf
.
ind
]-
act
.3
sg
|
nature(
f
)-
nom
.
sg
|
each-
dat
.
pl
|
say[
prf
.
ind
]-
act
.3
sg
|
‘Attalus told it to us, and the nature told it to everyone.’ |
Note: (Sen. Ep. 110, 20) |
Mandarin Chinese
shuō
Valency pattern:
SBJ_dui
|
X: SBJ |
Y: dui |
Locus: Y |
Zhāngsān |
duì |
Lǐsì |
shuō |
pn
|
towards
|
pn
|
say
|
‘Zhangsan told Lisi.’ |
Mingrelian
Ø-u-c'-in-s (FUT)
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
X: ERG |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
čelo-k |
anučia-s |
Ø-u-c'-u. |
pn
-
erg
|
pn
-
dat
|
io
3-
ver
:
o
-tell-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
‘Chelo told Anuchia.’ |
Modern Hebrew
amar
Valency pattern:
SBJ_le
|
X: SBJ |
Y: le |
Locus: Y |
Pinχas |
amar |
le |
Menaχem |
pn
|
say[
pst
.3
sg
.
m
]
|
to
|
pn
|
‘Pinchas told Menachem.’ |
Nanai
un-
Valency pattern:
NOM_DIR
|
X: NOM |
Y: DIR |
Locus: Y |
Petia |
Maša-či |
uŋ-ki-ni |
pn
|
pn
-
dir
|
tell-
pst
-
p
.3
sg
|
‘Petia told Masha: ...’ |
Nivkh
xеrd
Valency pattern:
TR
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Kaskazik |
Ajsana |
+ |
xеr-d |
ɲе-rχ |
pʰr̥ə-r̥ |
cʰma-ja |
pn
|
pn
|
+
|
tell-
ind
|
1
sg
-
dat
/
add
|
come-
cvb
_
nar
|
visit-
imp
.2
sg
|
‘Kaskazik told Ajsana: “Come and visit me!”’ |
Northern Mansi
lāwəs
Valency pattern:
NOM_LAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: LAT |
Locus: Y |
pājel |
kol’i-n |
lāw-əs … |
pn
|
pn
-
lat
|
say-
pst
.3
sg
|
‘Pasha told Kolja....’ |
Northern Yukaghir
mon=
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Sǝmiǝn |
Əkulˈǝ-ŋinˈ |
mon-i |
pn
|
pn
-
dat
|
tell-
intr
.3
sg
|
‘Semien told Akulina.’ |
Norwegian Bokmål
å si
Valency pattern:
SBJ_til
|
X: SBJ |
Y: til |
Locus: Y |
«kom |
på |
besøk» |
sa |
Per |
til |
Ola |
«come.
imp
|
on
|
visit»
|
say.
pst
|
pn
|
to
|
pn
|
‘Per told Ola: "Come and visit".’ |
Polish
powiedzieć
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Franek |
powiedzia-ł |
Anc-e |
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
tell:
pfv
-
pst
[
m
.3
sg
]
|
pn
-
dat
.
sg
|
‘Franek told Anka.’ |
Russian
skazatʹ
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Pet-ja |
skaza-l |
Maš-e |
prixod-i |
ko |
mne |
v |
gost-i |
pn
(
m
)-
nom
.
sg
|
tell(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
pn
(
f
)-
dat
.
sg
|
come(
ipfv
)-
imp
.
sg
|
to
|
i
.
dat
|
in
|
guest(
m
)-
acc
2.
pl
|
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’ |
Serbian
reći
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petar |
je |
reka-o |
Marij-i |
pn
.
nom
.
sg
|
be.
prs
.3
sg
|
tell-
part
.
perf
.
m
.
sg
|
pn
-
dat
.
sg
|
‘Petar told Maria.’ |
Shughni
lůvdow
Valency pattern:
NOM_LAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: LAT |
Locus: Y |
Azim=i |
Lola-yard |
lůd: |
te |
tar |
čīd-aθ |
pn
=3
sg
|
pn
-
lat
|
say.
pst
|
go.
imper
|
eq
|
house-
adv
|
‘Azim told Lola: go home.’ |
Skolt Saami
ceäʹlǩǩed
Valency pattern:
NOM_ILL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ILL |
Locus: Y |
Peâtt |
cieʹlǩ-i |
Märjj-a: |
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
say-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
-
sg
.
ill
|
‘Pete told Maria: “...”.’ |
Slovak
povedať
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Peter |
poveda-l |
Mark-ovi: |
"…" |
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
tell(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
pn
(
m
)-
dat
.
sg
|
"…"
|
‘Peter told Marek: "…".’ |
Slovenian
povedati
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Peter |
je |
poveda-l |
An-i |
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
aux
.3
sg
|
tell:
pfv
-
lpt
[
m
.
sg
]
|
pn
-
dat
.
sg
|
‘Peter told Ana.’ |
Sorani Kurdish
witin
Valency pattern:
SBJ_be
|
X: SBJ |
Y: be |
Locus: Y |
Hîwa |
be |
Perî=î |
wit-Ø |
ewr̂o |
zeng=im |
bo |
lê-d-e |
pn
|
to
|
pn
=3
sg
.
pc
|
tell.
pst
-3
sg
|
today
|
bell=1
sg
.
pc
|
for
|
prev
-hit.
imp
-2
sg
|
‘Hiwa told Peri to call him today.’ |
Note: The OBL.1SG marker indexes the complement of the adposition. |
Spanish
decir
Valency pattern:
SBJ_NDIR.OBJ
|
X: SBJ |
Y: NDIR.OBJ |
Locus: Y |
Pedro |
ha |
dich-o |
a |
María: |
ven |
a |
ver-me |
pn
[
sg
.
m
]
|
aux
.3
sg
|
tell-
ptcp
:
prf
|
ndir
.
obj
|
pn
[
sg
.
f
]
|
come.
imp
|
to
|
see.
inf
-
dir
.
obj
.1
sg
|
‘Pedro told Maria: come to my place!’ |
Swedish
att säga
Valency pattern:
SBJ_till
|
X: SBJ |
Y: till |
Locus: Y |
“Kom |
på |
besök”, |
sade |
Björn |
till |
Maja |
come.
imp
|
on
|
visit
|
say.
pst
|
pn
|
to
|
pn
|
‘Björn told Maja: “Come and visit”.’ |
Tagalog
Valency pattern:
ACT_LOC
|
X: ACT |
Y: LOC |
Locus: Y |
S<in>abih-an |
ni |
Pedro |
si |
Miguel |
<
pv
>
pfv
.say-
lv
|
pers
.
gen
|
pn
|
pers
.
subj
|
pn
|
‘Pedro told Miguel.’ |
Note: ??? Can you change the voice and turn Pedro into a subject here? |
Telugu
ceppu
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
pravīṇ |
maheṣ-ku |
ceppāḍu |
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
nom
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
obl
-
dat
|
say.
pst
.3
sg
.
m
|
‘Praveen told Mahesh...’ |
Turkish
demek
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Mehmet |
Filiz-e |
de-di |
ki, |
“Misafirliğ-e |
gel-Ø!” |
pn
|
pn
-
dat
|
say-
pst
|
that
|
visit-
dat
|
come-
imp
|
‘Mehmet told Filiz: “Come to visit me”’. |
Ulcha
wən-
Valency pattern:
NOM_LAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: LAT |
Locus: Y |
xusə |
piktə |
əktə |
piktə-ti |
wən-či-n: |
ńimər-u |
min-ti! |
male
|
child
|
female
|
child-
lat
|
say-
pst
-3
sg
|
visit-
imp
|
i
-
lat
|
‘The boy told the girl: come and visit me!’ |
Uzbek
demoq
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
Petya |
Maša-ga: |
“mehmon-ga |
kel” |
de-di |
pn
|
pn
-
dat
|
visit-
dat
|
come.
imp
|
say-
pst
.3
sg
|
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’ |
West Central Oromo
dʒeɗa
Valency pattern:
NOM_INS
|
X: NOM |
Y: INS |
Locus: Y |
obsaa-n |
tolaa-ɗaan |
"..." |
dʒeɗ-e |
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
ins
|
…
|
say-3
sg
.
m
.
pfv
|
‘Obsa said to Tola... ’ |
Zilo Andi
rutɬ.i:
Valency pattern:
ERG_INST
|
X: ERG |
Y: INST |
Locus: Y |
ali-di |
umarħadʒi-qχi |
rutɬ.i: “…” |
pn
-
erg
|
pn
-
inst
|
say.
pst
(
aor
)
|
‘Ali said to Umargaji: “…”’ |