BivalTyp

Лаборатория типологического изучения языков    Институт лингвистических исследований РАН

‘tell’

Argument frame: X (tell) Y
Stimulus sentence: P. told M. : (‘Call me this evening.’)
Predicate label Ru: говорить
Argument frame Ru: X (говорить) Y
Stimulus sentence Ru: П. сказал М. : ("Приходи ко мне в гости").

Abaza

Valency pattern: ERG_IO
X: ERG
Y: IO
Locus: Y
fatíma zaréma j-l-á-l-hʷa-ṭ: sas-rá s-pnə b-ʕa-j
pn pn 3 sg . n . abs -3 sg . f . io - dat -3 sg . f . erg -say( aor )- dcl guest- nml 1 sg . io -to 2 sg . f . abs - cisl -come( imp )
‘Fatima told Zarema: «Come to my place!».’
Note: The absolutive slot corresponds to the content of speech.

Aghul

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
aslan.a meʜemed.i-s p.u-ne…
pn ( erg ) pn - dat tell. pf - aor
‘Aslan told Muhammad: (‘...’)’

Assyrian Neo-Aramaic

Valency pattern: SBJ_ka
X: SBJ
Y: ka
Locus: Y
+Ašur tuni-l ka +xor-u atə bet-u arxa
pn say. pst - ls .3 m to friend( m )- p .3 m come. prs house( m )- p .3 m guest( m )
‘Ashur told his friend: “Call me this evening.”’

Forest Enets

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
modʲi kasa-jʔ mana-ʃ genka-xo-da: mɛ-ko-nʲiʔ to-nʲi-d mɛziza-ʃ
i man- nom . sg .1 sg say( pfv )-3 sg . s . pst pn - dat . sg - obl . sg .3 sg chum- dat - obl . sg .1 sg come( pfv )- sbjv -2 sg . s be_on_visit( ipfv )- cvb
‘My friend told to Genka: “Come to my place to stay as a guest”’.

Modern Hebrew

Valency pattern: SBJ_le
X: SBJ
Y: le
Locus: Y
Pinχas amar le Menaχem
pn say[ pst .3 sg . m ] to pn
‘Pinchas told Menachem.’

Nanai

Valency pattern: NOM_DIR
X: NOM
Y: DIR
Locus: Y
Petia Maša-či uŋ-ki-ni..
pn pn - dir сказать- pst - p .3 sg
‘Петя сказал Маше: ....’

Norwegian Bokmål

Valency pattern: SBJ_til
X: SBJ
Y: til
Locus: Y
«kom besøk» sa Per til Ola
«come. imp on visit» say. pst pn to pn
‘Per told Ola: "Come and visit".’

Russian

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Pet-ja skaza-l Maš-e prixod-i ko mne v gost-i
pn ( m )- nom . sg tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( f )- dat . sg come( ipfv )- imp . sg to i . dat in guest( m )- acc 2. pl
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’

Rutul

Valency pattern: ERG_APUD
X: ERG
Y: APUD
Locus: Y
rasul-a huxu-r ramazan-da
pn - erg 4.tell. pfv - cvb pn - apud
‘Rasul told Ramazan.’

Skolt Saami

Valency pattern: NOM_ILL
X: NOM
Y: ILL
Locus: Y
Peâtt cieʹlǩ-i Märjj-a:
pn . sg . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - sg . ill
‘Pete told Maria: “...”.’

Slovenian

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Peter je poveda-l An-i
pn [ nom . sg ] aux .3 sg tell: pfv - lpt [ m . sg ] pn - dat . sg
‘Peter told Ana.’

Swedish

Valency pattern: SBJ_till
X: SBJ
Y: till
Locus: Y
sade Björn till Maja
say. pst pn to pn
‘Björn told Maja.’

Turkish

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Mehmet Filiz-e de-di ki, “Misafirliğ-e gel-Ø!”
pn pn - dat say- pst that visit- dat come- imp
‘Mehmet told Filiz: “Come to visit me”’.

Ulcha

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ti wən-či-n: ńimər-u min-ti!
male child female child- lat say- pst -3 sg visit- imp i - lat
‘The boy told the girl: come and visit me!’

Zilo Andi

Valency pattern: ERG_INST
X: ERG
Y: INST
Locus: Y
ali-di umarħadʒi-qχi rutɬ.i: “…”
pn - erg pn - inst say. pst ( aor )
‘Ali said to Umargaji: “…”’