BivalTyp

Лаборатория типологического изучения языков    Институт лингвистических исследований РАН

‘tell’

Argument frame: X (tell) Y
Stimulus sentence: P. told M. : (‘Call me this evening.’)
Predicate label Ru: говорить
Argument frame Ru: X (говорить) Y
Stimulus sentence Ru: П. сказал М. : ("Приходи ко мне в гости").

Abaza hʷa

Valency pattern: ERG_IO
X: ERG
Y: IO
Locus: Y
fatíma zaréma j-l-á-l-hʷa-ṭ: sas-rá s-pnə b-ʕa-j
pn pn 3 sg . n . abs -3 sg . f . io - dat -3 sg . f . erg -say( aor )- dcl guest- nml 1 sg . io -to 2 sg . f . abs - cisl -come( imp )
‘Fatima told Zarema: «Come to my place!».’
Note: The absolutive slot corresponds to the content of speech.

Adyghe je-ʔʷe

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
dirjekterə-m č̣ʼelejeʁaǯʼe-m r-jə-ʔʷa-ʁ:
директор- obl учитель- obl 3 sg . io + dat -3 sg . erg -сказать- pst
‘Директор сказал учителю: ...’

Aghul p.u-

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
aslan.a meʜemed.i-s p.u-ne…
pn ( erg ) pn - dat tell. pf - aor
‘Aslan told Muhammad: (‘...’)’

Assyrian Neo-Aramaic tanə

Valency pattern: SBJ_ka
X: SBJ
Y: ka
Locus: Y
+Ašur tuni-l ka +xor-u atə bet-u arxa
pn say. pst - ls .3 m to friend( m )- p .3 m come. prs house( m )- p .3 m guest( m )
‘Ashur told his friend: “Call me this evening.”’

Bambara fɔ́

Valency pattern: SBJ_ye
X: SBJ
Y: ye
Locus: Y
Sékù y'à fɔ́ Fántà yé: nà bɔ́ fɛ̀
pn pfv . tr .3 sg say pn as come go.out 1 sg by
‘Seku said to Fanta: call on me.’

Brazilian Portuguese dizer

Valency pattern: SBJ_para
X: SBJ
Y: para
Locus: Y
Pedro disse para Miguel: «…»
pn ( m ) say.3 sg . pst towards pn ( m )
‘Pedro told Miguel: ‘…’.’

Catalan dir

Valency pattern: SBJ_DAT
X: SBJ
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
en Pere va dir al Marc…
def . sg . m pn ( m ) go.3 sg . prs . ind say. inf to. def . sg . m pn ( m )
‘Pere told Marc: …’
Note: Cf. "en Pere li va dir"

Czech říct

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petr řek-l Michal-ovi: "…"
pn ( m )[ nom . sg ] tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( m )- dat . sg "…"
‘Petr told Michal "…".’

Danish sige

Valency pattern: SBJ_til
X: SBJ
Y: til
Locus: TR
Peter sagde til Marie: ...
pn say. pst to pn
‘Peter told Marie: ...’

Dutch zeggen

Valency pattern: SBJ_tegen
X: SBJ
Y: tegen
Locus: Y
Piet zei tegen Marie
pn (С) say. pst against pn (С)
‘Piet told Marie: ...’

Eastern Maninka fɔ́

Valency pattern: SBJ_nye
X: SBJ
Y: nye
Locus: Y
Sékù kà fɔ́ Fántà ɲɛ́: nà bɔ́ mà.
pn aor . tr 3 sg say pn before come exit 1 sg adr
‘Seku told Fanta: call me.’

English tell

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: DO
Locus: TR
Peter told Mary: ‘Call me this evening.’

Estonian ütlema

Valency pattern: NOM_ALL
X: NOM
Y: ALL
Locus: Y
Peeter ütles Mareti-le: ...
pn . sg . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - all
‘Peeter said to Maret: ...’

Finnish sanoa

Valency pattern: NOM_ALL
X: NOM
Y: ALL
Locus: Y
Pekka san-oi Mati-lle:
pn . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - all
‘Pekka told Matti: ...’

Forest Enets man

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
modʲi kasa-jʔ mana-ʃ genka-xo-da: mɛ-ko-nʲiʔ to-nʲi-d mɛziza-ʃ
i man- nom . sg .1 sg say( pfv )-3 sg . s . pst pn - dat . sg - obl . sg .3 sg chum- dat - obl . sg .1 sg come( pfv )- sbjv -2 sg . s be_on_visit( ipfv )- cvb
‘My friend told to Genka: “Come to my place to stay as a guest”’.

French dire

Valency pattern: SBJ_a
X: SBJ
Y: a
Locus: Y
Paul a dit à Michel: viens me voir
pn ( m ) have. prs .3 sg say. pst . ptcp . m to pn ( m ) come. imp i . acc see. inf
‘Paul told Michel: “Come and see me.”’

Georgian Ø-e-ubn-eb-a (PRS)

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
p'et're-m mašo-s raγaca-Ø Ø-u-txr-a
pn - erg pn - dat something- nom io 3- ver : o -tell- sm - s 3 sg . pst
‘Petre told Masho something.’

German sagen

Valency pattern: NOM_zuDAT
X: NOM
Y: zuDAT
Locus: Y
“komm zu Besuch”, sag-te Karl zu Marie
come. imp to visit[ dat . sg ] say- pst .3 sg pn [ nom . sg ] to pn [ dat . sg ]
‘Karl told Marie: “Come to visit”.’

Irish abair

Valency pattern: SBJ_le
X: SBJ
Y: le
Locus: Y
Dúirt Pól le Mícheal...
tell. pst pn with pn ...
‘Pól told Mícheal.’

Italian dire

Valency pattern: SBJ_a
X: SBJ
Y: a
Locus: Y
Leo ha detto a Maria
pn ( m ) aux .3 sg . prs say. pst . ptcp to pn ( f )
‘Leo told Maria.’

Kalderash Romani phenel

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
o Murš-a phen-ď-a man-gə
art . m . dir . sg pn - nom . sg tell- pst -3 sg i - dat
‘Murša told me.’

Kazakh ayt

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petya Maša-ɣa ayt-tï
pn pn - dat say- pst 1.3 sg
‘Petya told Masha: ...’

Kazym Khanty lŏpti

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
pet’a-j-en maša-j-en-a lŏp-ǝs: …
pn - ep - poss .2 sg pn - ep - poss .2 sg - dat tell- pst [3 sg ]
‘Petja told Maša: ...’

Khwarshi

Valency pattern: ERG_CONT.LAT
X: ERG
Y: CONT.LAT
Locus: Y
šamil-i di-qo-l iƛ-ƛa žan nišo horo=ƛƛa
pn - erg 1 sg . o - cont - lat говорить- pst . w еще вечер приходить. imp = quot
‘Шамиль мне сказал «Приходи вечером еще».’

Kina Rutul huxur

Valency pattern: ERG_APUD
X: ERG
Y: APUD
Locus: Y
rasul-a huxu-r ramazan-da
pn - erg 4.tell. pfv - cvb pn - apud
‘Rasul told Ramazan.’

Latin dico

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
haec nobis Attal-us dix-it, natur-a omn-ibus dix-it
this. acc . sg . n we. dat pn ( m )- nom . sg say[ prf . ind ]- act .3 sg nature( f )- nom . sg each- dat . pl say[ prf . ind ]- act .3 sg
‘Attalus told it to us, and the nature told it to everyone.’
Note: (Sen. Ep. 110, 20)

Mandarin Chinese shuō

Valency pattern: SBJ_dui
X: SBJ
Y: dui
Locus: Y
Zhāngsān duì Lǐsì shuō
pn towards pn say
‘Zhangsan told Lisi.’

Mingrelian Ø-u-c'-in-s (FUT)

Valency pattern: ERG_DAT
X: ERG
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
čelo-k anučia-s Ø-u-c'-u.
pn - erg pn - dat io 3- ver : o -tell- s 3 sg . pst
‘Chelo told Anuchia.’

Modern Hebrew amar

Valency pattern: SBJ_le
X: SBJ
Y: le
Locus: Y
Pinχas amar le Menaχem
pn say[ pst .3 sg . m ] to pn
‘Pinchas told Menachem.’

Nanai un-

Valency pattern: NOM_DIR
X: NOM
Y: DIR
Locus: Y
Petia Maša-či uŋ-ki-ni
pn pn - dir tell- pst - p .3 sg
‘Petia told Masha: ...’

Nivkh xеrd

Valency pattern: TR
X: SBJ
Y: DO
Locus: TR
Kaskazik Ajsana + xеr-d ɲе-rχ pʰr̥ə-r̥ cʰma-ja
pn pn + tell- ind 1 sg - dat / add come- cvb _ nar visit- imp .2 sg
‘Kaskazik told Ajsana: “Come and visit me!”’

Northern Mansi lāwəs

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
pājel kol’i-n lāw-əs …
pn pn - lat say- pst .3 sg
‘Pasha told Kolja....’

Northern Yukaghir mon=

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Sǝmiǝn Əkulˈǝ-ŋinˈ mon-i
pn pn - dat tell- intr .3 sg
‘Semien told Akulina.’

Norwegian Bokmål å si

Valency pattern: SBJ_til
X: SBJ
Y: til
Locus: Y
«kom besøk» sa Per til Ola
«come. imp on visit» say. pst pn to pn
‘Per told Ola: "Come and visit".’

Polish powiedzieć

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Franek powiedzia-ł Anc-e
pn [ nom . sg ] tell: pfv - pst [ m .3 sg ] pn - dat . sg
‘Franek told Anka.’

Russian skazatʹ

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Pet-ja skaza-l Maš-e prixod-i ko mne v gost-i
pn ( m )- nom . sg tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( f )- dat . sg come( ipfv )- imp . sg to i . dat in guest( m )- acc 2. pl
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’

Serbian reći

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petar je reka-o Marij-i
pn . nom . sg be. prs .3 sg tell- part . perf . m . sg pn - dat . sg
‘Petar told Maria.’

Shughni lůvdow

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
Azim=i Lola-yard lůd: te tar čīd-aθ
pn =3 sg pn - lat say. pst go. imper eq house- adv
‘Azim told Lola: go home.’

Skolt Saami ceäʹlǩǩed

Valency pattern: NOM_ILL
X: NOM
Y: ILL
Locus: Y
Peâtt cieʹlǩ-i Märjj-a:
pn . sg . nom say- pst .3 sg pn - sg . ill
‘Pete told Maria: “...”.’

Slovak povedať

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Peter poveda-l Mark-ovi: "…"
pn ( m )[ nom . sg ] tell( pfv )- pst [ m . sg ] pn ( m )- dat . sg "…"
‘Peter told Marek: "…".’

Slovenian povedati

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Peter je poveda-l An-i
pn [ nom . sg ] aux .3 sg tell: pfv - lpt [ m . sg ] pn - dat . sg
‘Peter told Ana.’

Sorani Kurdish witin

Valency pattern: SBJ_be
X: SBJ
Y: be
Locus: Y
Hîwa be Perî=î wit-Ø ewr̂o zeng=im bo lê-d-e
pn to pn =3 sg . pc tell. pst -3 sg today bell=1 sg . pc for prev -hit. imp -2 sg
‘Hiwa told Peri to call him today.’
Note: The OBL.1SG marker indexes the complement of the adposition.

Spanish decir

Valency pattern: SBJ_NDIR.OBJ
X: SBJ
Y: NDIR.OBJ
Locus: Y
Pedro ha dich-o a María: ven a ver-me
pn [ sg . m ] aux .3 sg tell- ptcp : prf ndir . obj pn [ sg . f ] come. imp to see. inf - dir . obj .1 sg
‘Pedro told Maria: come to my place!’

Swedish att säga

Valency pattern: SBJ_till
X: SBJ
Y: till
Locus: Y
“Kom besök”, sade Björn till Maja
come. imp on visit say. pst pn to pn
‘Björn told Maja: “Come and visit”.’

Tagalog

Valency pattern: ACT_LOC
X: ACT
Y: LOC
Locus: Y
S<in>abih-an ni Pedro si Miguel
< pv > pfv .say- lv pers . gen pn pers . subj pn
‘Pedro told Miguel.’
Note: ??? Can you change the voice and turn Pedro into a subject here?

Telugu ceppu

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
pravīṇ maheṣ-ku ceppāḍu
pn ( m ). sg . nom pn ( m ). sg . obl - dat say. pst .3 sg . m
‘Praveen told Mahesh...’

Turkish demek

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Mehmet Filiz-e de-di ki, “Misafirliğ-e gel-Ø!”
pn pn - dat say- pst that visit- dat come- imp
‘Mehmet told Filiz: “Come to visit me”’.

Ulcha wən-

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ti wən-či-n: ńimər-u min-ti!
male child female child- lat say- pst -3 sg visit- imp i - lat
‘The boy told the girl: come and visit me!’

Uzbek demoq

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
Petya Maša-ga: “mehmon-ga kel” de-di
pn pn - dat visit- dat come. imp say- pst .3 sg
‘Petja told Maša: come to my place.’

West Central Oromo dʒeɗa

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
obsaa-n tolaa-ɗaan "..." dʒeɗ-e
pn - nom pn - ins say-3 sg . m . pfv
‘Obsa said to Tola... ’

Zilo Andi rutɬ.i:

Valency pattern: ERG_INST
X: ERG
Y: INST
Locus: Y
ali-di umarħadʒi-qχi rutɬ.i: “…”
pn - erg pn - inst say. pst ( aor )
‘Ali said to Umargaji: “…”’