BivalTyp

‘feel pain’

Argument frame: X (have) Y ache
Stimulus sentence: P. has a head ache.
Predicate label Ru: болеть#часть тела#
Argument frame Ru: у X -а (болеть) Y
Stimulus sentence Ru: У П. болит голова .

Abaza χ’ə

Valency pattern: IO_ABS
X: IO
Y: ABS
Locus: X
á-č̣’ḳʷən j-qá jə́-χ’-əj-ṭ
def -boy 3 sg . m . io -head 3 sg . m . io -ache- prs - dcl
‘The boy has a headache.’

Adyghe (West Circassian) wəzə

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
č̣ʼale-m ə-ŝhe me-wəzə
guy- obl 3 sg . pr -head dyn -ache
‘The guy has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Aghul itːa-

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
aslan.a-n k’il itːa-a
pn - gen head ache- prs
‘Aslan has a headache.’
Note: NP in the genitive is arguably a clause-level dependent.

Akhvakh (Northern) boƛ’uruƛa

Valency pattern: POSS_NOM
X: POSS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
hwari-ƛƛi mina b-oƛ’-ere godi
pn - gen head n -hurt- simul n . cop
‘Pari has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level argument.

Andi (Zilo) ruqχ’.u

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ali-r mijar ruqχ’.u-r
pn . obl - inan 2( gen ) head[ inan 2][ nom ] ache. pst - prog
‘Ali has a headache.’

Arabic (Northern Syrian) wəǧəʕ

Valency pattern: EXT&DO_SBJ
X: EXT&DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Aḥmad yəwaǧʕ-u rās-u
pn cause_pain. ipf .3 m - o .3 m head- poss .3 m
‘Ahmad has a headache’

Arabic (South Levantine, Nazareth) COP

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Shadi ʿind-o waǧaʿ rās
pn at- poss .3 m . sg pain( n ) head
‘Shadi has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Arabic (standard) ṣudāʕun

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ʕinda Badr-in ṣudāʕ-u-n
at pn - gen headache- nom - indef
‘Badr has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound. Non-verbal predicate.

Archi -acːʼar

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
patʼimal-li-n oˁnt acːʼar-ši
pn - obl - gen head 4.ache- advz (4.be)
‘Patimat has a headache.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate (stative). Arguably, the NP in the genitive is a clause-level constituent.

Assyrian Neo-Aramaic +marrə

Valency pattern: BARE_SBJ
X: BARE
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
brata riš-o +mray=əl
girl( f ) head( m )- p .3 f ache. prog =3 m
‘The girl has a headache.’

Avar untize

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ʕali-l bet’er unt-un b-ugo
pn - gen head be_sick- seq n - cop
‘Ali has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Azerbaijani ağrımaq

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Aslan-ın yaman baş-ı ağrı-yır
pn - gen terrible head- poss 3 ache- ipfv (3)
‘Aslan has a terrible headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level argument.

Bafut búʔù

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
àtû àmbɛ́ à búʔù
head/ prep pn sm ache
‘Ambe has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Bambara dími

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Sékù kùnkolo` bɛ à dími
pn head\ art ipfv 3 sg be.sick
‘Seku has a headache.’
Note: The experiencer is first expressed as a possessor within the subject NP and then resumed as the direct object.

Belarusian balieć

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Alies-ju bal-ić halav-a
pn - dat . sg ache( ipfv )- prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Ales has a headache.’

Budugh tutkor

Valency pattern: LOC_NOM
X: LOC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
aslan-a' yaman q'ıl tutkor-i
pn - loc terribly head hurt. ipf - prs
‘Aslan has a headache.’

Bulgarian боля

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Петър го боли глава
pn pro .3 sg . m . acc ache( ipfv ). prs .3 sg head
‘Petar has a headache.’

Catalan fer mal

Valency pattern: NDIR.OBJ_SBJ
X: NDIR.OBJ
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
al Pere li fa mal el cap
to. def . sg . m pn ( m ) 3 sg . dat make.3 sg . prs . ind pain( m ) def . sg . m head( m )
‘Pere has a headache.’

Chechen lozu

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
Islam-an korta lozu
pn - gen head. abs ache. prs
‘Islam has a headache.’
Note: Arguably, the NP in the genitive is a clause-level dependent.

Chinese (Mandarin) tòng

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Zhāngsān tóu tòng
pn head ache
‘Zhangsan has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Chirag icː-

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
di-la bek’ icː-le
i - gen head( abs ) ache: ipf - dur .3
‘I have a headache.’
Note: Arguably, the NP in the genitive is a clause-level dependent.

Croatian boljeti

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Per-u boli glav-a
pn - acc . sg ache. prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Pero has a headache.’

Czech bolet

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petr-a bolí hlav-a
pn ( m )- acc . sg ache( ipfv ). prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Petr has a headache.’

Danish have hovedpine

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peter ha-r hovedpine
pn have- prs headache( c )
‘Peter has a headache.'
Note: Not included in the database because the intended meaning is expressed by a structurally discontinuous combination (predicate + root in a compound).

Dargwa (Itsari) icː-araj

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
Islam-la bek' icː-a=ca-b
pn - gen head( abs ) ache. ipfv - prs = cop - n
‘Islam has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Dargwa (Kadar) iz-es (IPFV)

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
meħamad-la bek' iz-ur
pn - gen head hurt. ipfv - th
‘Muhammad has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Dargwa (Kaytag) ic:ara

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petja-la hana bek’ ic:-ul=ca
pn - gen now head hurt. ipf - prog . cvb = cop (3)
‘Petja now has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Dargwa (Kubachi)

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
gal-la b-ik' icː-ul=sab
boy- gen head hurt- prog . cnv = cop : n (3)
‘The boy has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Dargwa (Tsudakhar) icː-iz

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
uršːi-la bek' icː-ule=sab
boy- gen head hurt. ipfv - prog . cnv = cop : n (3)
‘The boy now has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Dargwa (Tsugni) icː-i

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
durħaˤ-la hanna bek' icː-ule=cabi
boy- gen now head hurt. ipfv - cnv . prog = cop : n (3)
‘The boy now has a headache.’
Note: NP in the genitive is arguably a clause-level dependent.

Dutch Y-pijn hebben

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Piet heeft hoofdpijn
pn (С) have.3 sg headache( c )
‘Piet has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound.

Enets (Forest) dʲe

Valency pattern: TOP_NOM
X: TOP
Y: NOM
Locus: X
modʲi kasa-jʔ ɛba-za dʲee
i man- nom . sg .1 sg head- nom . sg .3 sg ache( ipfv ).3 sg . s
‘My friend has a headache’.

English have X-ache

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peter has a headache.
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound.

Estonian olema

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peetri-l on peavalu
pn - adess be. prs .3 sg headache. sg . nom
‘Peeter has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as a root within a derived word.

Finnish särkeä

Valency pattern: ADE_PART
X: ADE
Y: PART
Locus: XY
Peka-lla särk-ee pää-tä
pn - ade ache- prs .3 sg head- part
‘Pekka has a headache.’

French avoir mal

Valency pattern: SBJ_a(LOC)
X: SBJ
Y: a(LOC)
Locus: Y
Paul a mal à la tête
pn ( m ) have. prs .3 sg painful to def . sg . f head( f )
‘Paul has a headache.’

Gban yȁ̰

Valency pattern: POSS&nen_SBJ
X: POSS&nen
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Zá̰ bò ɛ̏ yȁ̰ ȁ nɛ̰̏
pn head 3 sg ipfv \ache s/he/it at
‘Zan has a headache.’

Georgian s-t'k'-iv-a (PRS)

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
p'et're-s tav-i s-t'k'-iv-a
pn - dat head- nom io 3-ache- r . ext - s 3 sg . inact
‘Petre has a headache.’

German wehtun

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
mir tu-t der Kopf weh
i . dat do- prs .3 sg def . m . nom . sg head[ nom . sg ] painful
‘I have a headache.’
Note: Possible alternatives, such as "ich habe Kopfschmerzen" or "mein Kopf tut weh," do not meet the acceptance criteria.

Hebrew (modern) jeʃ

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
le Pinχas jeʃ koev roʃ
to pn there.is[ prs ] pain head
‘Pinchas has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Hindi honā

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Pratīk ko sardard hɛ
pn ( m ). sg . obl acc / dat headache( m ). sg . dir be. prs .3 sg
‘Prateek has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound.

Indonesian (standard) sakit

Valency pattern: SBJ_BARE
X: SBJ
Y: BARE
Locus: Y
Ade sakit kepala
pn sick head
‘Ade has a headache.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

Irish bí tinneas cinn

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Tá tinneas cinn air Phól.
be. prs pain head. gs on pn
‘Pól has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Italian fare male

Valency pattern: NDIR.OBJ_SBJ
X: NDIR.OBJ
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
a Leo fa male la test-a
to pn ( m ) make.3 sg . prs pain def . sg . f head- sg . f
‘Leo has a headache.’

Karata boƛ’aɬa

Valency pattern: POSS_NOM
X: POSS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ʕali-b hera hadoʔa b-oƛ’-idja idja
pn - n now head n -be_sick- ipf cop
‘Ali has a headache.’
Note: The possessor NP displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Kazakh awïr

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petya-nïŋ bas-ï awïr-adï
pn - gen head- poss 3 ache- prs 2.3 sg
‘Petya has a headache.’

Khanty (Kazym) kăši

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
waśa-j-en ŏχ-ǝλ kăši
pn - ep - poss .2 sg head- poss .3 sg sick
‘Vasja has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is (arguably) expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Khoekhoe tsû

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Sara-s dana-s ge ra tsû
pn -3 f . sg head-3 f . sg decl ipfv ache
‘Sara has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Khwarshi j/eƛa

Valency pattern: GEN1_ABS
X: GEN1
Y: ABS
Locus: X
di-ja b-eƛ-ƛo lola
1 sg . o - gen 1 iii -hurt- prs foot( iii )
‘My foot hurts.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level argument.

Kpelle (Guinean) ŋwána

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Pépèe kɔ́ɣɔ káa ŋwàná-ì
pn leg cop 3 sg \hurt- inf
‘Pepee has leg pain.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Kryz (Alik) tuta varic

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
terlan q'il yaman tuta yi-ryu
pn ( gen ) head( f ) extreme hurt. cvb do. ipfv - prs . f
‘Terlan has a terrible headache.’
Note: The structure is tentatively classified as involving a clause-level genitive (by analogy with other languages). To be checked.

Kryz (Ismayilli) tut xhayic

Valency pattern: INESS_NOM
X: INESS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
aslan-a q'il yaman tutur-o
pn - iness head( f ) terrible ache. ipf - prs . f
‘Aslan has a terrible headache.’
Note: Arguably, the possessor NP is a clause-level dependent.

Kryz (proper) tit xhiyic

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
aslan q'il yamanca tişa-ra ʕacu
pn ( gen ) head( f ) terribly ache. ipf - simul be_in. f
‘Aslan has a terrible headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Kumyk awrumaq

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
patimat-nɨ baš-ɨ awru-j
pn - gen head-3 sg ache-3 sg
‘Patimat has a headache.’

Kurdish (Sorani) êʂîn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR
X: EXT
Y: SBJ.INTR
Locus: X
Hîwa ewr̂o ser=î d-êʂ-ê
pn today head=3 sg . pc ind -hurt. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa has a headache today.’
Note: The verb agrees with the body part.

Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish) êşin (intr)

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ser-ê zilam di-êş-e
head- ez . m man prs -ache. ipfv -3 sg
‘The man has a headache’.
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Lak (Quba)

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Maħammad-lu-l bak’ c’u-j b-ur
pn - obl - gen head ache- cvb . ipfv 3-be. prs .3 p
‘Mohammad has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because the combination of encoding devices for X and Y [GEN_NOM] happens to be identical to that observed in the transitive pattern, whereas syntactically, the encoding pattern here does not align with regular transitive clauses.

Latin doleo

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
quod tu-o vir-o ocul-i dole-a-nt
why your- dat . sg . m husband( m )- dat . sg eye( m )- nom . pl hurt- prs . sbjv - act .3 pl
‘Because of this, your husband's eyes will hurt.’
Note: (Ter, Ph, 1053)

Laz o-c'k'un-u

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Käzim-i-s ti-Ø Ø-a-c'k'un-en-Ø
pn - b - dat head- nom io 3- ver : r -ache- sm - s 3 sg . inact
‘Käzim has a headache.’

Lezgian (Yargun) tta jen

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Sahib-a-n qˈil tta-zva
pn - obl - gen head have.pain- prs
‎‎‎‘Sahib has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Macedonian boli

Valency pattern: ACC_SBJ
X: ACC
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Petar go boli glava
pn pro .3 sg . m . acc ache( ipfv ). prs .3 sg head
‘Petar has a headache.’

Maninka (Eastern) dímin

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Sékù sèn` yé à dímin-na.
pn foot\ art be 3 sg hurt- inf . la
‘Seku has a footache.’
Note: The experiencer is first expressed as a possessor within the subject NP and then resumed as the direct object.

Mano wàā

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
ŋ̄ sɔ̰́ɔ̰́ tɔ́ɔ̄ lɛ́ɛ̀ ŋ̄ wàā
1 sg tooth dem . vis 3 sg . ipfv 1 sg hurt: ipfv
‘This tooth of mine hurts.’
Note: The subjects’s possessor is necessarily coreferential with the direct object.

Mansi (Northern) ājmən

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
pājel puŋk-e ājməŋ
pn head- poss .3 sg sick
‘Pasha has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is (arguably) expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Mehweb izes (IPFV)

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Patʼimat-la bečʼ iz-uwe le-b
pn - gen head ache: ipfv - cvb be- n
‘Patimat has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Mingrelian Ø-a-č'-un-Ø (PRS)

Valency pattern: DAT_DAT
X: DAT
Y: DAT
Locus: XY
čelo-s dud-i-s Ø-a-č'-u(n)-Ø
pn - dat head- b - dat io 3- ver : r -ache- sm - s 3 sg . inact
‘Chelo has a headache.’

Nanai *

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Petia ǯele-ni ənu.si-ni
pn head- p .3 sg be_sick. ipfv . npst - p .3 sg
‘Petia has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Nivkh qоd

Valency pattern: LOC/ABL_SBJ
X: LOC/ABL
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Largun-ux coŋr̥ qо-d
pn - loc / abl head ache- ind
‘Largun has a headache.’

Norwegian Bokmål å ha vondt

Valency pattern: SBJ_i
X: SBJ
Y: i
Locus: Y
Per ha-r vond-t i hod-et
pn have- prs painful- indf . n . sg in head- def . n . sg
‘Per has a headache.’

Oromo (West Central) ɗukkuba

Valency pattern: ABS_NOM
X: ABS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
obsaa-n mataa-n isa ɗukkub-a
pn - nom head- nom 3 sg . m . abs pain-3 sg . m . ipfv
‘Obsa has a headache.’
Note: The first NP is fronted, but this is not obligatory.

Persian ...dard dāštan

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ahmad sardard dār-ad
pn headache have. prs -3 sg
‘Ahmad has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Polish boleć

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Ann-ę boli głow-a
pn - acc . sg hurt: ipfv . prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Anna has a headache.’

Portuguese (Brazilian) estar com dor

Valency pattern: SBJ_de
X: SBJ
Y: de
Locus: Y
Pedro está com dor de cabeça
pn ( m ) cop _ prog .3 sg . prs with pain( f ) of head( f )
‘Pedro has a headache.’

Romani (Kalderash) dukhal

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
man dukha-l ma o šər-o
i . acc ache- prs .3 sg i . cl art . m . dir . sg head- nom . sg
‘I have a headache.’

Russian boletʹ

Valency pattern: uGEN_NOM
X: uGEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
u Pet-i bol-it golov-a
at pn ( m )- gen . sg ache( ipfv )- prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Petja has a headache.’

Rutul (Kina) weddara

Valency pattern: ATTR_NOM
X: ATTR
Y: NOM
Locus: X
rasul-dɨ huq’ul w-edda-r=a
pn - attr head( nom ) 3-hurt. ipfv - cvb =be
‘Rasul has a headache.’

Rutul (Mukhad) jedin

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
murad-dı q'ul vede-re
pn - gen head( a ) a .hurt. ipf - hab
‘Murad has a headache.’
Note: The structure is tentatively classified as involving a clause-level genitive (by analogy with other languages). To be checked.

Rutul (Shinaz) j-ete-n

Valency pattern: ATTR_NOM
X: ATTR
Y: NOM
Locus: X
basir-dɨ pisana q'ul v-eti-v
pn - attr very head( a ) a -hurt. pf - aor . a
‘Basir has a severe headache.’
Note: The possessor NP displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Rutul (Southern) yetin

Valency pattern: ATTR_NOM
X: ATTR
Y: NOM
Locus: X
murad-dı kelle vete-r
pn - attr head( a ) a .hurt. ipf - prs
‘Murad has a headache.’
Note: The X argument in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level constituent.

Saami (Skolt) leeʹd -kõpp

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peâtt-ast lij vueiʹvv-kõpp
pn - sg . loc be. prs .3 sg head-disease. sg . nom
‘Pete has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because the intended meaning is expressed by a structurally discontinuous combination (predicate + root in a compound).

Serbian boleti

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petr-a boli glav-a
pn - acc . sg ache. prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Petar has a headache.’

Shughni dārδ čīdow

Valency pattern: LOC_NOM.CL
X: LOC
Y: NOM.CL
Locus: X
Ahmed-and wi kāl dārδ kix̌-t
pn - loc d 3. m . sg . obl head pain do-3 sg
‘Ahmed has a headache.’

Slovak bolet

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petr-a bolí hlav-a
pn ( m )- acc . sg ache( ipfv ). prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Peter has a headache.’

Slovenian boleti

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
An-o boli glav-a
pn - acc . sg ache: ipfv . prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Ana has a headache.’

Spanish doler

Valency pattern: NDIR.OBJ_SBJ
X: NDIR.OBJ
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
a Pedro le duel-e la cabeza
ndir . obj pn [ sg . m ] he. ndir . obj ache- prs .3 sg art . def . sg . f head[ sg . f ]
‘Pedro has a headache.’

Svan x-e-zg-i (PRS)

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
maizer-s txwim-Ø x-e-zg-i
pn - dat head- nom io 3- ver : r -ache- prs
‘Maizer has a headache.’

Swedish att ha ont

Valency pattern: SBJ_i
X: SBJ
Y: i
Locus: Y
Björn ha-r ont i huvud-et
pn have- prs painful. indf . n . sg in head- def . n . sg
‘Björn has a headache.’

Tabasaran (Kandyk)

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
fatima.ji-n k’ul ic:-ura
pn - gen head( abs ) be.sick- prs
‘Fatima has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Tagalog masakit

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
masakit ang ulo ni Pedro
painful subj head pers . gen pn
‘Pedro’s head hurts.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Telugu noppi gā uṁḍu

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
pravīṇ-ki ā kālu noppi gā uṁdi
pn ( m ). sg . obl - dat dem . dist leg( n ). sg . nom pain( n ). sg . nom advz be. prs .3 sg . nm
‘Praveen’s that leg hurts.’

Tsakhur yık’ıyk’ıriy

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
murad-ın kalle ık’aar
pn - n head( n ) n .ache. ipf
‘Murad has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Tswana bolawa

Valency pattern: SBJ_ke
X: SBJ
Y: ke
Locus: Y
ke-bola-w-a ke Ø-tlhogo
s i :1 sg -kill- pass - fv by sg -head(9)
‘I have a headache,’ lit. ‘I am killed by the head.’

Turkish ağrımak

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Mehmed-in baş-ı ağrı-yor
pn - gen head- p .3 ache- prs
‘Mehmet has a headache.’

Turoyo koyu

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
riš-e d Gabriyel ko-koyu
head( m )- p .3 m rel pn prs -ache. ipfv .3 m
‘Gabriyel has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Twi wᴐ

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Kofi wᴐ tiyadeε bi
pn have. prs headache indef
‘Kofi has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound.

Udmurt viśi̮ni̮

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Pet'a-len ji̮r-i̮z vis-je
pn - gen head. nom - poss .3 sg be_sick- prs .3 sg
‘Petja has a headache.’
Note: Arguably, the NP in the genitive is a clause-level dependent.

Ukrainian bolity

Valency pattern: uGEN_NOM
X: uGEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
u Petr-a bol-yt’ holov-a
at pn ( m )- gen . sg ache( ipfv )- prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Petro has a headache.’

Ulcha ənusi-

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
əj xusə piktə-du ǯili-n ənu-s-i-n
this male child- dat head-3 sg be_ill- ipfv - prs -3 sg
‘This boy has a headache.’

Uzbek oɣrimoq

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petya-niŋ boš-i oɣri-b tur-ib-ti
pn - gen head- poss .3 sg ache- cvb stand- prs 4-3 sg
‘Petja has a headache.’
Note: The experiencer NP has some properties of a clause-level constituent.

Wolof metti

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
sama bopp dafa-y metti
poss :1 sg head( b ) f oc v .s i :3 sg - incpl ache
‘I have a headache,’ lit. ‘My head aches.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Yukaghir (Northern) jaw=

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Sǝmiǝn juo-gi jаw-l
pn head- poss .3 ache- sf .3 sg
‘Semien has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Zazaki

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
sɛrɛ-je oxɨr-i dɛʒ-ɛn-o
head- ez . m pn - m . obl hurt. prs - aug -3 sg . m
‘Oxir has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.