BivalTyp

Лаборатория типологического изучения языков    Институт лингвистических исследований РАН

‘feel pain’

Argument frame: X (have) Y ache
Stimulus sentence: P. has a head ache.
Predicate label Ru: болеть#часть тела#
Argument frame Ru: у X -а (болеть) Y
Stimulus sentence Ru: У П. болит голова .

Abaza χ’ə

Valency pattern: IO_ABS
X: IO
Y: ABS
Locus: X
á-č̣’ḳʷən j-qá jə́-χ’-əj-ṭ
def -boy 3 sg . m . io -head 3 sg . m . io -ache- prs - dcl
‘The boy has a headache.’

Adyghe (West Circassian) wəzə

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
č̣ʼale-m ə-ŝhe me-wəzə
guy- obl 3 sg . pr -head dyn -ache
‘The guy has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Aghul itːa-

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
aslan.a-n k’il itːa-a
pn - gen head ache- prs
‘Aslan has a headache.’
Note: NP in the genitive is arguably a clause-level dependent.

Alik Kryz tuta aric

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
terlan q'il yaman tuta yi-ryu
pn ( gen ) head( f ) extreme hurt. cvb do. ipfv - prs . f
‘Terlan has a terrible headache.’
Note: The structure is tentatively classified as involving a clause-level genitive (by analogy with other languages). To be checked.

Archi

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
patʼimal-li-n oˁnt acːʼar-ši
pn - obl - gen head ache- cvb . ipfv (4.be)
‘Patimat has a headache.’
Note: Arguably, the NP in the genitive is a clause-level constituent.

Assyrian Neo-Aramaic +marrə

Valency pattern: BARE_SBJ
X: BARE
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
brata riš-o +mray=əl
girl( f ) head( m )- p .3 f ache. prog =3 m
‘The girl has a headache.’

Avar untize

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ʕali-l bet’er unt-un b-ugo
pn - gen head be_sick- seq n - cop
‘Ali has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Azerbaijani ağrımaq

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Aslan-ın yaman baş-ı ağrı-yır
pn - gen terrible head- poss 3 ache- ipfv (3)
‘Aslan has a terrible headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level argument.

Bambara dími

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Sékù kùnkolo` dími
pn head\ art ipfv 3 sg be.sick
‘Seku has a headache.’
Note: The experiencer is first expressed as a possessor within the subject NP and then resumed as the direct object.

Brazilian Portuguese estar com dor

Valency pattern: SBJ_de
X: SBJ
Y: de
Locus: Y
Pedro está com dor de cabeça
pn ( m ) cop _ prog .3 sg . prs with pain( f ) of head( f )
‘Pedro has a headache.’

Catalan fer mal

Valency pattern: DAT_SBJ
X: DAT
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
al Pere li fa mal el cap
to. def . sg . m pn ( m ) 3 sg . dat make.3 sg . prs . ind pain( m ) def . sg . m head( m )
‘Pere has a headache.’

Chirag icː-

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
di-la bek’ icː-le
i - gen head( abs ) ache: ipf - dur .3
‘I have a headache.’
Note: Arguably, the NP in the genitive is a clause-level dependent.

Czech bolet

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petr-a bolí hlav-a
pn ( m )- acc . sg ache( ipfv ). prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Petr has a headache.’

Danish have hovedpine

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peter ha-r hovedpine
pn have- prs headache( c )
‘Peter has a headache.'
Note: Not included in the database because the intended meaning is expressed by a structurally discontinuous combination (predicate + root in a compound).

Dutch Y-pijn hebben

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Piet heeft hoofdpijn
pn (С) have.3 sg headache( c )
‘Piet has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound.

Eastern Maninka dímin

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Sékù sèn` yé dímin-na.
pn foot\ art be 3 sg hurt- inf . la
‘Seku has a footache.’
Note: The experiencer is first expressed as a possessor within the subject NP and then resumed as the direct object.

English have X-ache

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peter has a headache.
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound.

Estonian olema

Valency pattern: ADESS_NOM
X: ADESS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Peetri-l on peavalu
pn - adess be. prs .3 sg headache. sg . nom
‘Peeter has a headache.’

Finnish särkeä

Valency pattern: ADE_PART
X: ADE
Y: PART
Locus: XY
Peka-lla särk-ee pää-tä
pn - ade ache- prs .3 sg head- part
‘Pekka has a headache.’

Forest Enets dʲe

Valency pattern: TOP_NOM
X: TOP
Y: NOM
Locus: X
modʲi kasa-jʔ ɛba-za dʲee
i man- nom . sg .1 sg head- nom . sg .3 sg ache( ipfv ).3 sg . s
‘My friend has a headache’.

French avoir mal

Valency pattern: SBJ_a
X: SBJ
Y: a
Locus: Y
Paul a mal à la tête
pn ( m ) have. prs .3 sg painful to def . sg . f head( f )
‘Paul has a headache.’

Georgian s-t'k'-iv-a (PRS)

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
p'et're-s tav-i s-t'k'-iv-a
pn - dat head- nom io 3-ache- r . ext - s 3 sg . inact
‘Petre has a headache.’

German schmerzen

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
der Kopf schmerz-t Karl
def . m . nom . sg head[ nom . sg ] pain- prs .3 sg pn [ dat . sg ]
‘Karl has a headache.’

Guinean Kpelle ŋwána

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Pépèe kɔ́ɣɔ káa ŋwàná-ì
pn leg cop 3 sg \hurt- inf
‘Pepee has leg pain.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Icari Dargwa icː-a-araj

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
Islam-la bek' icː-a-ca=b
pn - gen head. abs ache: ipf - prs - cop = n
‘Islam has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Irish bí tinneas cinn

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
tinneas cinn air Phól.
be. prs pain head. gs on pn
‘Pól has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Italian fare male

Valency pattern: a_SBJ
X: a
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
a Leo fa male la test-a
to pn ( m ) make.3 sg . prs pain def . sg . f head- sg . f
‘Leo has a headache.’

Kadar Dargwa

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
meħamad-la bek' iz-ur
pn - gen head hurt. ipfv - th
‘Muhammad has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Kalderash Romani dukhal

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
man dukha-l ma o šər-o
i . acc ache- prs .3 sg i . cl art . m . dir . sg head- nom . sg
‘I have a headache.’

Kandyk Tabasaran

Valency pattern: GEN_ABS
X: GEN
Y: ABS
Locus: X
fatima.ji-n k’ul ic:-ura
pn - gen head( abs ) be.sick- prs
‘Fatima has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Karata boƛ’aɬa

Valency pattern: POSS_NOM
X: POSS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ʕali-b hera hadoʔa b-oƛ’-idja idja
pn - n now head n -be_sick- ipf cop
‘Ali has a headache.’
Note: The possessor NP displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Kaytag Dargwa ic:ara

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
petja-la hana bek’ ic:-ulca
pn - gen now head hurt. ipf - prs
‘Petja now has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Kazakh awïr

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petya-nïŋ bas-ï awïr-adï
pn - gen head- poss 3 ache- prs 2.3 sg
‘Petya has a headache.’

Kazym Khanty kăši

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
waśa-j-en ŏχ-ǝλ kăši
pn - ep - poss .2 sg head- poss .3 sg sick
‘Vasja has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is (arguably) expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Khoekhoe tsû

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Sara-s dana-s ge ra tsû
pn -3 f . sg head-3 f . sg decl ipfv ache
‘Sara has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Khwarshi j/eƛa

Valency pattern: GEN1_ABS
X: GEN1
Y: ABS
Locus: X
di-ja b-eƛ-ƛo lola
1 sg . o - gen 1 iii -hurt- prs foot( iii )
‘My foot hurts.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level argument.

Kina Rutul weddara

Valency pattern: ATTR_NOM
X: ATTR
Y: NOM
Locus: X
rasul-dɨ huq’ul w-edda-r=a
pn - attr head( nom ) 3-hurt. ipfv - cvb =be
‘Rasul has a headache.’

Kumyk awrumaq

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
patimat-nɨ baš-ɨ awru-j
pn - gen head-3 sg ache-3 sg
‘Patimat has a headache.’

Latin doleo

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
quod tu-o vir-o ocul-i dole-a-nt
why your- dat . sg . m husband( m )- dat . sg eye( m )- nom . pl hurt- prs . sbjv - act .3 pl
‘Because of this, your husband's eyes will hurt.’
Note: (Ter, Ph, 1053)

Laz o-c'k'un-u

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Käzim-i-s ti-Ø Ø-a-c'k'un-en-Ø
pn - b - dat head- nom io 3- ver : r -ache- sm - s 3 sg . inact
‘Käzim has a headache.’

Mandarin Chinese tòng

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Zhāngsān tóu tòng
pn head ache
‘Zhangsan has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Mano wàā

Valency pattern: DO_SBJ
X: DO
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
ŋ̄ sɔ̰́ɔ̰́ tɔ́ɔ̄ lɛ́ɛ̀ ŋ̄ wàā
1 sg tooth dem . vis 3 sg . ipfv 1 sg hurt: ipfv
‘This tooth of mine hurts.’
Note: The subjects’s possessor is necessarily coreferential with the direct object.

Mehweb

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Pat’imat-la beč' iz-uwe le-b
pn - gen head ache- cvb be- n
‘Patimat has a headache.’

Mingrelian Ø-a-č'-un-Ø (PRS)

Valency pattern: DAT_DAT
X: DAT
Y: DAT
Locus: XY
čelo-s dud-i-s Ø-a-č'-u(n)-Ø
pn - dat head- b - dat io 3- ver : r -ache- sm - s 3 sg . inact
‘Chelo has a headache.’

Modern Hebrew jeʃ

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
le Pinχas jeʃ koev roʃ
to pn there.is[ prs ] pain head
‘Pinchas has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Mukhad Rutul jedin

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
murad-dı q'ul vede-re
pn - gen head( a ) a .hurt. ipf - hab
‘Murad has a headache.’
Note: The structure is tentatively classified as involving a clause-level genitive (by analogy with other languages). To be checked.

Nanai *

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Petia ǯele-ni ənu.si-ni
pn head- p .3 sg be_sick. ipfv . npst - p .3 sg
‘Petia has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Nivkh qоd

Valency pattern: LOC/ABL_SBJ
X: LOC/ABL
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Largun-ux coŋr̥ qо-d
pn - loc / abl head ache- ind
‘Largun has a headache.’

Northern Akhvakh boƛ’uruƛa

Valency pattern: POSS_NOM
X: POSS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
hwari-ƛƛi mina b-oƛ’-ere godi
pn - gen head n -hurt- simul n . cop
‘Pari has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level argument.

Northern Mansi ājmən

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
pājel puŋk-e ājməŋ
pn head- poss .3 sg sick
‘Pasha has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is (arguably) expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Northern Yukaghir jaw=

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Sǝmiǝn juo-gi jаw-l
pn head- poss .3 ache- sf .3 sg
‘Semien has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Norwegian Bokmål å ha vondt

Valency pattern: SBJ_i
X: SBJ
Y: i
Locus: Y
Per ha-r vond-t i hod-et
pn have- prs painful- indf . n . sg in head- def . n . sg
‘Per has a headache.’

Polish boleć

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Ann-ę boli głow-a
pn - acc . sg hurt: ipfv . prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Anna has a headache.’

Russian boletʹ

Valency pattern: uGEN_NOM
X: uGEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
u Pet-i bol-it golov-a
at pn ( m )- gen . sg ache( ipfv )- prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Petja has a headache.’

Serbian boleti

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petr-a boli glav-a
pn - acc . sg ache. prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Petar has a headache.’

Shinaz Rutul j-ete-n

Valency pattern: ATTR_NOM
X: ATTR
Y: NOM
Locus: X
basir-dɨ pisana q'ul v-eti-v
pn - attr very head( a ) a -hurt. pf - aor . a
‘Basir has a severe headache.’
Note: The possessor NP displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Shughni dārδ čīdow

Valency pattern: LOC_NOM
X: LOC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Ahmed-and wi kāl dārδ kix̌-t
pn - loc d 3. m . sg . obl head pain do-3 sg
‘Ahmed has a headache.’

Skolt Saami leeʹd -kõpp

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Peâtt-ast lij vueiʹvv-kõpp
pn - sg . loc be. prs .3 sg head-disease. sg . nom
‘Pete has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because the intended meaning is expressed by a structurally discontinuous combination (predicate + root in a compound).

Slovak bolet

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petr-a bolí hlav-a
pn ( m )- acc . sg ache( ipfv ). prs .3 sg head( f )- nom . sg
‘Peter has a headache.’

Slovenian boleti

Valency pattern: ACC_NOM
X: ACC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
An-o boli glav-a
pn - acc . sg ache: ipfv . prs .3 sg head- nom . sg
‘Ana has a headache.’

Sorani Kurdish êʂîn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ
X: EXT
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
Hîwa ewr̂o ser=î d-êʂ-ê
pn today head=3 sg . pc ind -hurt. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa has a headache today.’
Note: The verb agrees with the body part.

Southern Rutul yetin

Valency pattern: ATTR_NOM
X: ATTR
Y: NOM
Locus: X
murad-dı kelle vete-r
pn - attr head( a ) a .hurt. ipf - prs
‘Murad has a headache.’
Note: The X argument in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level constituent.

Spanish doler

Valency pattern: NDIR.OBJ_SBJ
X: NDIR.OBJ
Y: SBJ
Locus: X
a Pedro le duel-e la cabeza
ndir . obj pn [ sg . m ] he. ndir . obj ache- prs .3 sg art . def . sg . f head[ sg . f ]
‘Pedro has a headache.’

Standard Arabic ṣudāʕun

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ʕinda Badr-i-n ṣudāʕ-u-n
at pn - gen - indef headache- nom - indef
‘Badr has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as part of a nominal compound. Non-verbal predicate.

Svan

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
maizer-s txwim-Ø x-e-zg-i
pn - dat head- nom io 3- ver : r -ache- prs
‘Maizer has a headache.’

Swedish att ha ont

Valency pattern: SBJ_i
X: SBJ
Y: i
Locus: Y
Björn ha-r ont i huvud-et
pn have- prs painful. indf . n . sg in head- def . n . sg
‘Björn has a headache.’

Tagalog

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
Masakit ang ulo ni Pedro.
painful subj head pers . gen pn
‘Pedro’s head hurts.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

Telugu noppi gā uṁḍu

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
pravīṇ-ki ā kālu noppi uṁdi
pn ( m ). sg . obl - dat dem . dist leg( n ). sg . nom pain( n ). sg . nom advz be. prs .3 sg . nm
‘Praveen’s that leg hurts.’

Tsakhur yık’ıyk’ıriy

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
murad-ın kalle ık’aar
pn - n head( n ) n .ache. ipf
‘Murad has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Tsudakhar Dargwa icː-iz

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
uršːi-la bek' icː-ule=sab
boy- gen head hurt. ipfv - prog . cnv = cop : n (3)
‘The boy now has a headache.’
Note: The NP in the genitive displays some properties of a clause-level dependent.

Tsugni Dargwa icː-i

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
durħaˤ-la hanna bek' icː-ule=cabi
boy- gen now head hurt. ipfv - cnv . prog = cop : n (3)
‘The boy now has a headache.’
Note: NP in the genitive is arguably a clause-level dependent.

Turkish ağrımak

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Mehmed-in baş-ı ağrı-yor
pn - gen head- p .3 ache- prs
‘Mehmet has a headache.’

Turoyo koyu

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
riš-e d Gabriyel ko-koyu
head( m )- p .3 m rel pn prs -ache. ipfv .3 m
‘Gabriyel has a headache.’
Note: Not included in the database because X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

Ulcha ənusi-

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
əj xusə piktə-du ǯili-n ənu-s-i-n
this male child- dat head-3 sg be_ill- ipfv - prs -3 sg
‘This boy has a headache.’

Uzbek oɣrimoq

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
Petya-niŋ boš-i oɣri-b tur-ib-ti
pn - gen head- poss .3 sg ache- cvb stand- prs 4-3 sg
‘Petja has a headache.’
Note: The experiencer NP has some properties of a clause-level constituent.

West Central Oromo ɗukkuba

Valency pattern: ABS_NOM
X: ABS
Y: NOM
Locus: X
obsaa-n mataa-n isa ɗukkub-a
pn - nom head- nom 3 sg . m . abs pain-3 sg . m . ipfv
‘Obsa has a headache.’
Note: The first NP is fronted, but this is not obligatory.

Zilo Andi ruqχ’.u

Valency pattern: GEN_NOM
X: GEN
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ali-r mijar ruqχ’.u-r
pn . obl - inan 2( gen ) head[ inan 2][ nom ] ache. pst - prog
‘Ali has a headache.’