‘fall behind’
Argument frame: |
X
(fall behind)
Y
|
Stimulus sentence: |
(P. and M. started out to school together, but)
P.
fell behind
M
.
|
Predicate label Ru: |
отстать
|
Argument frame Ru: |
X
(отставать) от
Y
-а
|
Stimulus sentence Ru: |
(П. и М. вместе пошли в школу, но)
П.
отстал от
М
.
|
Abaza
ʕa-[χ’ə-]ŝa
Valency pattern:
ABS_LOCxe
|
X: ABS |
Y: LOCxe |
Locus: Y |
rasúl |
zaréma |
d-ʕá-l-χ’-ŝa-d |
pn
|
pn
|
3
sg
.
h
.
abs
-
cisl
-3
sg
.
f
.
io
-
loc
-fall(
aor
)-
dcl
|
‘Rasul fell behind Zarema.’ |
Adyghe
wəžə q-jə-ne
Valency pattern:
ABS_PPweze
|
X: ABS |
Y: PPweze |
Locus: Y |
č̣ʼale-r |
pŝaŝe-m |
ə-wəž |
q-jə-na-ʁ |
парень-
abs
|
девушка-
obl
|
3
sg
.
pr
-след
|
csl
-
loc
:
cont
-остаться-
pst
|
‘Мальчик отстал от девочки.’ |
Aghul
qatːarx.u-
Valency pattern:
ABS_POST.ELAT
|
X: ABS |
Y: POST.ELAT |
Locus: Y |
aslan |
qatːarx.u-ne |
meʜemed.i-q-as |
pn
|
{
post
.
elat
}get.
pf
-
aor
|
pn
-
post
-
elat
|
‘Aslan fell behind Muhammad.’ |
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic
payəš +baray
Valency pattern:
SBJ_men
|
X: SBJ |
Y: men |
Locus: Y |
urza |
pəš-lə |
+baray |
mən |
baxta |
man(
m
)
|
remain.
pst
-
ls
.3
m
|
behind
|
from
|
woman(
f
)
|
‘The man fell behind the woman.’ |
Bambara
tó
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ko
|
X: SBJ |
Y: ko |
Locus: Y |
Sékù |
tó-ra |
Fántà |
kɔ́ |
pn
|
remain-
pfv
.
intr
|
pn
|
behind
|
‘Seku fell behind Fanta.’ |
Brazilian Portuguese
ficar para trás
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
X: SBJ |
Y: de |
Locus: Y |
Pedro |
fic-ou |
para |
trás |
de |
Miguel |
pn
(
m
)
|
get-3
sg
.
pst
|
towards
|
behind
|
of
|
pn
(
m
)
|
‘Pedro fell behind Miguel.’ |
Catalan
quedar enrere
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
X: SBJ |
Y: de |
Locus: Y |
en |
Pere |
va |
qued-ar |
enrere |
del |
Marc |
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
go.3
sg
.
prs
.
ind
|
remain-
inf
|
behind
|
of.
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
‘Pere fell behind Marc.’ |
Czech
zpozdit se
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
X: NOM |
Y: zaINS |
Locus: Y |
Petr |
se |
zpozdí-l |
za |
Michal-em |
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
refl
.
acc
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
behind
|
pn
(
m
)-
ins
.
sg
|
‘Petr fell behind Michal.’ |
Danish
komme bagefter
Valency pattern:
TR
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Peter |
kom |
bagefter |
Marie |
pn
|
come.
pst
|
behind
|
pn
|
‘Peter fell behind Marie.’ |
Dutch
achteropraken
Valency pattern:
SBJ_bij
|
X: SBJ |
Y: bij |
Locus: Y |
Piet |
raak-te |
bij |
Marie |
achterop |
pn
(
c
)
|
walk-3
sg
|
at
|
pn
(
c
)
|
behind
|
‘Piet fell behind Marie.’ |
Eastern Maninka
tó
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ko
|
X: SBJ |
Y: ko |
Locus: Y |
Fónbà |
tó-da |
Sékù |
kɔ́. |
pn
|
remain-
aor
.
intr
|
pn
|
behind
|
‘Fomba fell behind Seku.’ |
English
fall
Valency pattern:
SBJ_behind
|
X: SBJ |
Y: behind |
Locus: Y |
Estonian
maha jääma
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
X: NOM |
Y: ELA |
Locus: Y |
Peeter |
jä-i |
Mareti-st |
maha |
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
stay-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
-
ela
|
down
|
‘Peeter fell behind Maret.’ |
Note: Phrasal verb (maha is not a flagging device). |
Finnish
jäädä jälkeen
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
X: NOM |
Y: ELA |
Locus: Y |
Pekka |
jä-i |
jälkeen |
Mati-sta |
pn
.
nom
|
stay-
pst
.3
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ela
|
‘Pekka fell behind Matti.’ |
Forest Enets
kaji
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
vasʲa |
kasa-xazo-da |
kaji-bi |
pn
|
man-
abl
.
sg
-
obl
.
sg
.3
sg
|
stay_behind(
pfv
)-
prf
.3
sg
.
s
|
‘Vasja fell behind his friend’. |
French
être distancé
Valency pattern:
SBJ_par
|
X: SBJ |
Y: par |
Locus: Y |
Paul |
a |
été |
distancé |
par |
Marie |
pn
(
m
)
|
have.
prs
.3
sg
|
be.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
outrun.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
by
|
pn
(
f
)
|
‘Paul fell behind Marie.’ |
Note: Passive construction. |
Georgian
ča-mo-Ø-rč-eb-a (FUT)
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
magram |
p'et're-Ø |
mašo-s |
ča-mo-Ø-rč-a |
but
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
dat
|
prv
:downward+inward-
prv
:
prox
-
io
3-stay-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
‘But Petre fell behind Masho.’ |
German
zurückfallen
Valency pattern:
NOM_hinterACC
|
X: NOM |
Y: hinterACC |
Locus: Y |
Karl |
fiel |
hinter |
Marie |
zurück |
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall.
pst
.3
sg
|
behind
|
pn
[
acc
.
sg
]
|
back
|
‘Karl fell behind Marie.’ |
Irish
tit siar
Valency pattern:
SBJ_o
|
X: SBJ |
Y: o |
Locus: Y |
Thit |
Peter |
siar |
ó |
Mary. |
pst
/fall.behind
|
pn
|
back
|
from
|
pn
|
‘Pól fell behind Máire.’ |
Italian
rimanere indietro
Valency pattern:
SBJ_rispetto.a
|
X: SBJ |
Y: rispetto.a |
Locus: Y |
Leo |
è |
rimast-o |
indietro |
rispetto |
a |
Maria |
pn
(
m
)
|
aux
.3
sg
.
prs
|
stay.
pst
.
ptcp
-
sg
.
m
|
behind
|
compared
|
to
|
pn
(
f
)
|
‘Leo fell behind Maria.’ |
Kalderash Romani
aśel
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
o |
Murš-a |
aš-il-o |
kata |
Marijk-a |
art
.
m
.
dir
.
sg
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind-
pst
-3
sg
.
m
|
from
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
‘Murša fell behind Marijka.’ |
Note: With a pronominal Y argument, the structure with the ablative case (ABL) would be used. |
Kazakh
qal-ïp qoy
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
Petya |
Maša-dan |
qal-ïp |
qoy-dï |
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
remain-
cvb
|
put-
pst
1.3
sg
|
‘Petya fell behind Masha.’ |
Kazym Khanty
jǒχi χǎśti
Valency pattern:
NOM_NOMewelt
|
X: NOM |
Y: NOMewelt |
Locus: Y |
pet’a-j-en |
maša-j-ǝλ |
ewǝλt |
jǒχi |
χǎś-ǝs |
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.2
sg
|
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.3
sg
|
from
|
home
|
remain-
pst
[3
sg
]
|
‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Khwarshi
Valency pattern:
ABS_SUPER.EL
|
X: ABS |
Y: SUPER.EL |
Locus: Y |
šamil |
ƛiχ-χa |
hamaʁe-za-ƛ'o-žo |
žohol |
pn
|
остаться-
pst
.
w
|
друг-
pl
.
o
-
super
-
el
|
сзади
|
‘Шамиль отстал от друзей.’ |
Note: žohol should be considered part of the predicate, not a flag. |
Kina Rutul
quɁ qargɨr
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUP.EL
|
X: NOM |
Y: SUP.EL |
Locus: Y |
ramazan |
quɁ |
q-argɨ-r |
rasul-u-la |
pn
(
nom
)
|
back.
lat
|
re
-
lv
.
pfv
-
cvb
|
pn
-
obl
(
sup
)-
el
|
‘Ramazan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Latin
decedo
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
si |
quis |
agmin-e |
decess-isse-t, |
pro |
desertor-e |
fore |
clamita-ns |
if
|
who.
nom
.
sg
|
rank(
n
)-
abl
.
sg
|
fall_behind-
plup
.
sbjv
-
act
.3
sg
|
for
|
deserter(
m
)-
abl
.
sg
|
be.
fut
.
inf
.
act
|
call-
prs
.
ptcp
.
act
.
nom
.
sg
|
‘... yelling that whoever departs from the rank will be held for a deserter.’ |
Note: (Tac. Ann. I, 38) |
Mandarin Chinese
luò-hòu
Valency pattern:
SBJ_yu
|
X: SBJ |
Y: yu |
Locus: Y |
Zhāngsān |
luò-hòu |
yú |
Lǐsì |
le |
pn
|
fall-behind
|
to
|
pn
|
pfv
|
‘Zhangsan fell behind Lisi.’ |
Mingrelian
ek'-Ø-a-sk'id-un-Ø (FUT)
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
X: ERG |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
čelo-k |
anučia-s |
k-ek'-Ø-a-sk'id-u. |
pn
-
erg
|
pn
-
dat
|
aff
-
prv
-
io
3-
ver
:
r
-stay-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
‘Chelo fell behind Anuchia.’ |
Modern Hebrew
piger
Valency pattern:
SBJ_axarej
|
X: SBJ |
Y: axarej |
Locus: Y |
Pinχas |
piger |
aχarej |
Menaχem |
pn
|
lag[
pst
.3
sg
.
m
]
|
after
|
pn
|
‘Pinchas fell behind Menachem.’ |
Nanai
xamila dərəǯi-
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
Petia |
Maša-ǯea |
xame-la-ni |
dərəǯi-xə-ni |
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back-
loc
-
p
.3
sg
|
remain-
pst
-
p
.3
sg
|
‘Petia fell behind Masha.’ |
Nivkh
jarid
Valency pattern:
TR
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Kaskazik |
Ajsana |
+ |
ari-d |
pn
|
pn
|
+
|
fall.behind-
ind
|
‘Kaskazik fell behind Ajsana.’ |
Northern Mansi
juw xul’tǝs
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
X: NOM |
Y: EL |
Locus: Y |
am |
juw |
xul’t-s-um |
jurt-an-ǝl |
i
|
back
|
stay-
pst
-1
sg
|
friend-
pl
-
el
|
‘I fell behind my friends.’ |
Northern Yukaghir
ponˈуol=
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
Sǝmiǝn |
Əkulˈǝ-ɣаt |
ponˈ-uol-dǝŋ |
ū-j |
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
leave-
res
-
cnv
|
go-
intr
.3
sg
|
‘Semien fell behind Akulina.’ |
Norwegian Bokmål
å ligge etter
Valency pattern:
TR
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Per |
lå |
etter |
Ola |
pn
|
lie.
pst
|
after
|
pn
|
‘Per fell behind Ola.’ |
Note: Phrasal verb (etter is not a flagging device). |
Polish
zostać
Valency pattern:
NA
|
X: * |
Y: * |
Locus: * |
Ann-a |
zosta-ł-a |
w |
tyl-e |
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
remain:
pfv
-
pst
-
f
.3
sg
|
in
|
back-
loc
.
sg
|
‘Anna fell behind.’ |
Note: Not included in the database because Y is not overtly expressed. |
Russian
otstatʹ
Valency pattern:
NOM_otGEN
|
X: NOM |
Y: otGEN |
Locus: Y |
Pet-ja |
otsta-l |
ot |
Maš-i |
pn
(
m
)-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
from
|
pn
(
f
)-
gen
.
sg
|
‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Serbian
zaostati
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
X: NOM |
Y: zaINS |
Locus: Y |
Petar |
je |
zaosta-o |
za |
Marij-om |
pn
.
nom
.
sg
|
be.
prs
.3
sg
|
fall.behind-
part
.
perf
.
m
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
‘Petar fell behind Maria.’ |
Shughni
zibo δêdow2
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
X: NOM |
Y: EL |
Locus: Y |
Azim |
as |
Lola |
zibo |
δod |
pn
|
el
|
pn
|
behind
|
fall.
pst
|
‘Azim fell behind Lola.’ |
Skolt Saami
kuâđđjed
Valency pattern:
NOM_GENtuakka
|
X: NOM |
Y: GENtuakka |
Locus: Y |
Peâtt |
kuâđđj-i |
Määʹrj |
tuâkka |
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
remain-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
.
sg
.
gen
|
behind
|
‘Pete fell behind Maria’ |
Slovak
zaostať
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
X: NOM |
Y: zaINS |
Locus: Y |
Peter |
zaosta-l |
za |
Mark-om |
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
behind
|
pn
(
m
)-
ins
.
sg
|
‘Peter fell behind Marek.’ |
Slovenian
zaostati
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
X: NOM |
Y: zaINS |
Locus: Y |
An-a |
je |
zaosta-l-a |
za |
Pavl-om |
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
aux
.3
sg
|
remain:
pfv
-
lpt
-
f
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
‘Ana fell behind Pavel.’ |
Sorani Kurdish
becê man
Valency pattern:
SBJ_le
|
X: SBJ |
Y: le |
Locus: Y |
Hîwa |
le |
Diyako-î |
be |
cê |
ma-Ø |
pn
|
from
|
pn
-
obl
|
to
|
place
|
remain.
pst
-3
sg
|
‘Hiwa fell behind Diako.’ |
Spanish
quedarse atrás
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
X: SBJ |
Y: de |
Locus: Y |
Pedro |
se |
qued-ó |
atrás |
de |
María |
pn
[
sg
.
m
]
|
refl
.3
sg
|
remain-
aor
.3
sg
|
behind
|
from
|
pn
[
sg
.
f
]
|
‘Pedro fell behind Maria.’ |
Swedish
att hamna efter
Valency pattern:
TR
|
X: SBJ |
Y: DO |
Locus: TR |
Björn |
hamna-de |
efter |
Maja |
pn
|
end_up-
pst
|
after
|
pn
|
‘Björn fell behind Maja.’ |
Tagalog
Valency pattern:
UND_LOC
|
X: UND |
Y: LOC |
Locus: Y |
Na-huli |
si |
Pedro |
kay |
Miguel |
potpv
.
pfv
-fall_behind
|
pers
.
subj
|
pn
|
pers
.
dat
|
pn
|
‘Pedro fell behind Miguel.’ |
Note: Can you change the voice and turn Pedro into the subject here? |
Telugu
venakapaḍu
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
X: NOM |
Y: DAT |
Locus: Y |
pravīṇ |
maheṣ-ki |
venakapaḍḍāḍu |
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
nom
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
obl
-
dat
|
lag.
pst
.3
sg
.
m
|
‘Praveen fell behind Mahesh.’ |
Turkish
geri kalmak
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
Mehmet |
Orhan-dan |
geri |
kal-dı |
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind
|
remain-
pst
|
‘Mehmet fell behind Orhan.’ |
Ulcha
dərəǯu-
Valency pattern:
NA
|
X: * |
Y: * |
Locus: * |
tam=də |
əktə |
piktə |
dərə-ǯu-xə-ni |
then=
emph
|
female
|
child
|
remain-
rep
-
pst
-3
sg
|
‘But then the girl fell behind.’ |
Note: Not included in the database because Y cannot be overtly expressed. |
Uzbek
orkada kolib ketmoq
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABL |
Locus: Y |
Petya |
Maša-dan |
orkada |
kol-ib |
ket-ti |
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind
|
remain-
cvb
|
go_away-
pst
.3
sg
|
‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
West Central Oromo
hafa
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABSbiraa
|
X: NOM |
Y: ABSbiraa |
Locus: Y |
obsaa-n |
kuf-ee |
tolaa |
biraa |
haf-e |
pn
-
nom
|
fall-
conv
|
pn
.
abs
|
beside.
abl
|
remain-3
sg
.
m
.
pfv
|
‘Obsa fell and remained behind Tola.’ |
Zilo Andi
<j>-eχːudu <j>-ekː.u-j
Valency pattern:
NOM_CONT
|
X: NOM |
Y: CONT |
Locus: Y |
pat’imati |
marjam-tʃ’u |
j-eχːudu |
j-ekː.u-j |
pn
[
f
][
nom
]
|
pn
-
cont
|
f
-after
|
f
-stay.
pst
-
pf
|
‘Patimat fell behind Mariam.’ |