‘fall behind’
| Argument frame: |
X
(fall behind)
Y
|
| Stimulus sentence: |
(P. and M. started out to school together, but)
P.
fell behind
M
.
|
| Predicate label Ru: |
отстать
|
| Argument frame Ru: |
X
(отставать) от
Y
-а
|
| Stimulus sentence Ru: |
(П. и М. вместе пошли в школу, но)
П.
отстал от
М
.
|
Abaza
ʕa-[χ’ə-]ŝa
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_LOCxe
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: LOCxe |
| Locus: Y |
| rasúl |
zaréma |
d-ʕá-l-χ’-ŝa-d |
|
pn
|
pn
|
3
sg
.
h
.
abs
-
cisl
-3
sg
.
f
.
io
-
loc
-fall(
aor
)-
dcl
|
| ‘Rasul fell behind Zarema.’ |
Adyghe (West Circassian)
q-jə-ne
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_POweze
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: POweze |
| Locus: Y |
| č̣ʼale-r |
pŝaŝe-m |
ə-wəž |
q-jə-na-ʁ |
|
guy-
abs
|
girl-
obl
|
3
sg
.
po
-trace
|
csl
-
loc
:
cont
-remain-
pst
|
| ‘The guy fell behind the girl.’ |
Aghul
qatːarx.u-
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_POST.ELAT
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: POST.ELAT |
| Locus: Y |
| aslan |
qatːarx.u-ne |
meʜemed.i-q-as |
|
pn
|
{
post
.
elat
}get.
pf
-
aor
|
pn
-
post
-
elat
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Muhammad.’ |
Alik Kryz
yiq'can irkinic
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_PART
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: PART |
| Locus: Y |
| terlan |
rasul-kar |
yiq'-can |
irkin-id |
|
pn
|
pn
-
part
|
back-
adv
|
m
.remain.
pfv
-
aor
.
m
|
| ‘Terlan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Archi
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMP
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMP |
| Locus: Y |
| paša |
marin-ni-χur |
χir |
i<w>χːu |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
comp
|
behind
|
<1>remain.
pfv
|
| ‘Pasha fell behind Marina.’ |
| Note: χir is part of the predicate (an adverbial element). The NP in the dative case can be omitted. |
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic
payəš +baray
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_men
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: men |
| Locus: Y |
| urza |
pəš-lə |
+baray |
mən |
baxta |
|
man(
m
)
|
remain.
pst
-
ls
.3
m
|
behind
|
from
|
woman(
f
)
|
| ‘The man fell behind the woman.’ |
Avar
naqa χut’ize
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| ʕali |
aħmad-i-dasa |
naqa |
χut’-ana |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
el
|
back.
el
|
remain-
aor
|
| ‘Ali fell behind Ahmad.’ |
Azerbaijani
geri qalmaq
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Aslan |
Rǝsul-dan |
geri |
qal-dı |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back
|
remain-
pst
(3)
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Bambara
tó
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ko
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: ko |
| Locus: Y |
| Sékù |
tó-ra |
Fántà |
kɔ́ |
|
pn
|
remain-
pfv
.
intr
|
pn
|
behind
|
| ‘Seku fell behind Fanta.’ |
Brazilian Portuguese
ficar para trás
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| Pedro |
fic-ou |
para |
trás |
de |
Miguel |
|
pn
(
m
)
|
get-3
sg
.
pst
|
towards
|
behind
|
of
|
pn
(
m
)
|
| ‘Pedro fell behind Miguel.’ |
Catalan
quedar enrere
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| en |
Pere |
va |
qued-ar |
enrere |
del |
Marc |
|
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
go.3
sg
.
prs
.
ind
|
remain-
inf
|
behind
|
of.
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
| ‘Pere fell behind Marc.’ |
Chirag
hara-b-elgi
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_SUPER.ELAT
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: SUPER.ELAT |
| Locus: Y |
| ʡa̰le |
rasul-l-i-rka |
hara-j-elg-un-ne |
|
pn
(
abs
)
|
pn
-
obl
-
super
-
elat
|
post-
m
.
sg
-stay:
pf
-
aor
-
res
.
prs
.3
|
| ‘Ali fell behind Rasul.’ |
Czech
zpozdit se
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Petr |
se |
zpozdí-l |
za |
Michal-em |
|
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
refl
.
acc
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
behind
|
pn
(
m
)-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Petr fell behind Michal.’ |
Danish
komme bagefter
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Peter |
kom |
bagefter |
Marie |
|
pn
|
come.
pst
|
behind
|
pn
|
| ‘Peter fell behind Marie.’ |
Dutch
achteropraken
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_bij
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: bij |
| Locus: Y |
| Piet |
raak-te |
bij |
Marie |
achterop |
|
pn
(
c
)
|
walk-3
sg
|
at
|
pn
(
c
)
|
behind
|
| ‘Piet fell behind Marie.’ |
Eastern Maninka
tó
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ko
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: ko |
| Locus: Y |
| Fónbà |
tó-da |
Sékù |
kɔ́. |
|
pn
|
remain-
aor
.
intr
|
pn
|
behind
|
| ‘Fomba fell behind Seku.’ |
English
fall
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_behind
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: behind |
| Locus: Y |
Estonian
maha jääma
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ELA |
| Locus: Y |
| Peeter |
jä-i |
Mareti-st |
maha |
|
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
stay-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
-
ela
|
down
|
| ‘Peeter fell behind Maret.’ |
| Note: Phrasal verb (maha is not a flagging device). |
Finnish
jäädä jälkeen
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ELA |
| Locus: Y |
| Pekka |
jä-i |
jälkeen |
Mati-sta |
|
pn
.
nom
|
stay-
pst
.3
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ela
|
| ‘Pekka fell behind Matti.’ |
Forest Enets
kaji
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| vasʲa |
kasa-xazo-da |
kaji-bi |
|
pn
|
man-
abl
.
sg
-
obl
.
sg
.3
sg
|
stay_behind(
pfv
)-
prf
.3
sg
.
s
|
| ‘Vasja fell behind his friend’. |
French
être distancé
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_par
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: par |
| Locus: Y |
| Paul |
a |
été |
distancé |
par |
Marie |
|
pn
(
m
)
|
have.
prs
.3
sg
|
be.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
outrun.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
by
|
pn
(
f
)
|
| ‘Paul fell behind Marie.’ |
| Note: Passive construction. |
Georgian
ča-mo-Ø-rč-eb-a (FUT)
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| magram |
p'et're-Ø |
mašo-s |
ča-mo-Ø-rč-a |
|
but
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
dat
|
prv
:downward+inward-
prv
:
prox
-
io
3-stay-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
| ‘But Petre fell behind Masho.’ |
German
zurückfallen
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_hinterACC
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: hinterACC |
| Locus: Y |
| Karl |
fiel |
hinter |
Marie |
zurück |
|
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall.
pst
.3
sg
|
behind
|
pn
[
acc
.
sg
]
|
back
|
| ‘Karl fell behind Marie.’ |
Guinean Kpelle
lɛ̌ɛ
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_pulu
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: pulu |
| Locus: Y |
| Pépèe |
àá |
lɛ̀ɛ |
Hɛ́ni |
púlû |
|
pn
|
3
sg
.
prf
|
remain
|
pn
|
back
|
| ‘Pepee fell behind Heni.’ |
Icari Dargwa
helga-ik-araj
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_ELAT
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: ELAT |
| Locus: Y |
| Islam |
Nadir-ri-r |
helga-ič-ib |
|
pn
.
abs
|
pn
-
obl
-
elat
|
fall_behind-(
m
)
lv
:
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Islam fell behind Nadir.’ |
Irish
tit siar
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_o
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: o |
| Locus: Y |
| Thit |
Peter |
siar |
ó |
Mary. |
|
pst
/fall.behind
|
pn
|
back
|
from
|
pn
|
| ‘Pól fell behind Máire.’ |
Italian
rimanere indietro
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_rispetto.a
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: rispetto.a |
| Locus: Y |
| Leo |
è |
rimast-o |
indietro |
rispetto |
a |
Maria |
|
pn
(
m
)
|
aux
.3
sg
.
prs
|
stay.
pst
.
ptcp
-
sg
.
m
|
behind
|
compared
|
to
|
pn
(
f
)
|
| ‘Leo fell behind Maria.’ |
Kadar Dargwa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMP
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMP |
| Locus: Y |
| meħamad |
rasul-j-kem |
araʁa |
k-alʔ-un |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
comp
|
behind
|
down
-stay.
pfv
-
pret
|
| ‘Muhammad fell behind Rasul.’ |
Kalderash Romani
aśel
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| o |
Murš-a |
aš-il-o |
kata |
Marijk-a |
|
art
.
m
.
dir
.
sg
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind-
pst
-3
sg
.
m
|
from
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
| ‘Murša fell behind Marijka.’ |
| Note: With a pronominal Y argument, the structure with the ablative case (ABL) would be used. |
Kandyk Tabasaran
*
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| rasul |
maˁhaˁmad.a-n |
qaˁl.aˁ-q |
qaq-nu |
|
pn
(
abs
)
|
pn
-
gen
|
back-
post
|
(
h
.
sg
)fall.on-
pst
|
| ‘Rasul fell behind Mahamad’. |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. |
Karata
xigi biχχwaɬa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_CONTEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: CONTEL |
| Locus: Y |
| ʕali |
aħmat’-i-č’ogal |
biƛ’e |
χigi |
w-uχχu |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
contel
|
strongly
|
behind
|
m
-remain
|
| ‘Ali fell way behind Ahmat.’ |
| Note: Here, “χigi” arguably functions as part of the predicate. |
Kaytag Dargwa
maˁʁlawikara
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ANTEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ANTEL |
| Locus: Y |
| petja |
miša-sar |
maˁğlavič:-iv |
|
pn
|
pn
-
antel
|
m
.lag.
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Misha.’ |
Kazakh
qal-ïp qoy
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petya |
Maša-dan |
qal-ïp |
qoy-dï |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
remain-
cvb
|
put-
pst
1.3
sg
|
| ‘Petya fell behind Masha.’ |
Kazym Khanty
jǒχi χǎśti
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_NOMewelt
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: NOMewelt |
| Locus: Y |
| pet’a-j-en |
maša-j-ǝλ |
ewǝλt |
jǒχi |
χǎś-ǝs |
|
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.2
sg
|
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.3
sg
|
from
|
home
|
remain-
pst
[3
sg
]
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Khoekhoe
ǁnā
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_!gab.ai
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: !gab.ai |
| Locus: Y |
| Petru-b |
ge |
Maria-s |
ǃgâb_ai |
ge |
ǁnā |
|
pn
-3
m
.
sg
|
decl
|
pn
-3
f
.
sg
|
behind
|
pst
|
fall
|
| ‘Peter fell behind Maria.’ |
Khwarshi
žohol ƛiχa
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_SUPER.EL
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: SUPER.EL |
| Locus: Y |
| šamil |
ƛiχ-χa |
hamaʁe-za-ƛ'o-žo |
žohol |
|
pn
|
remain-
pst
.
w
|
friend-
pl
.
o
-
super
-
el
|
behind
|
| ‘Shamil fell behind his friends.’ |
Kina Rutul
quɁ qargɨr
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUP.EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUP.EL |
| Locus: Y |
| ramazan |
quɁ |
q-argɨ-r |
rasul-u-la |
|
pn
(
nom
)
|
back.
lat
|
re
-
lv
.
pfv
-
cvb
|
pn
-
obl
(
sup
)-
el
|
| ‘Ramazan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Kumyk
artda qalmaq
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| basir |
musa-dan |
art-da |
qal-d-ɨ |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back-
loc
|
remain-
pst
-3
sg
|
| ‘Basir fell behind Musa.’ |
Latin
decedo
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| si |
quis |
agmin-e |
decess-isse-t, |
pro |
desertor-e |
fore |
clamita-ns |
|
if
|
who.
nom
.
sg
|
rank(
n
)-
abl
.
sg
|
fall_behind-
plup
.
sbjv
-
act
.3
sg
|
for
|
deserter(
m
)-
abl
.
sg
|
be.
fut
.
inf
.
act
|
call-
prs
.
ptcp
.
act
.
nom
.
sg
|
| ‘... yelling that whoever departs from the rank will be held for a deserter.’ |
| Note: (Tac. Ann. I, 38) |
Laz
o-skid-u
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Käzim-i |
Fatma-šen |
ek'-Ø-a-skid-u |
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
abl
|
prv
-
io
3-
ver
:
r
-remain-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
| ‘Käzim fell behind Fatma.’ |
Mandarin Chinese
luò-hòu
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_yu
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: yu |
| Locus: Y |
| Zhāngsān |
luò-hòu |
yú |
Lǐsì |
le |
|
pn
|
fall-behind
|
to
|
pn
|
pfv
|
| ‘Zhangsan fell behind Lisi.’ |
Mano
tó
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_pie
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: pie |
| Locus: Y |
| āà |
tó |
ŋ̄ |
píé |
|
3
sg
.
prf
|
stay
|
1
sg
|
behind
|
| ‘S/he has fallen behind me.’ |
Mehweb
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPER.ESS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPER.ESS |
| Locus: Y |
| Islam |
ʡa-w |
kalʔ-un |
Nadir-li-če-w |
|
pn
|
behind-
m
|
remain:
pfv
-
aor
|
pn
-
obl
-
super
-
m
(
ess
)
|
| ‘Islam fell behind Nadir.’ |
Mingrelian
ek'-Ø-a-sk'id-un-Ø (FUT)
|
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
| X: ERG |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| čelo-k |
anučia-s |
k-ek'-Ø-a-sk'id-u |
|
pn
-
erg
|
pn
-
dat
|
aff
-
prv
-
io
3-
ver
:
r
-stay-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
| ‘Chelo fell behind Anuchia.’ |
Modern Hebrew
piger
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_axarej
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: axarej |
| Locus: Y |
| Pinχas |
piger |
aχarej |
Menaχem |
|
pn
|
lag[
pst
.3
sg
.
m
]
|
after
|
pn
|
| ‘Pinchas fell behind Menachem.’ |
Mukhad Rutul
qhuʔ qhargın
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMPAR
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMPAR |
| Locus: Y |
| murad |
q'urban-ı-qhaʔ |
qhuʔ |
qhargı-ri |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
compar
|
after
|
m
.remain_behind.
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Kurban.’ |
Nanai
xamila dərəǯi-
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petia |
Maša-ǯea |
xame-la-ni |
dərəǯi-xə-ni |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back-
loc
-
p
.3
sg
|
remain-
pst
-
p
.3
sg
|
| ‘Petia fell behind Masha.’ |
Nivkh
jarid
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Kaskazik |
Ajsana |
+ |
ari-d |
|
pn
|
pn
|
+
|
fall.behind-
ind
|
| ‘Kaskazik fell behind Ajsana.’ |
Northern Akhvakh
qedi biχχuruƛa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| pataħi |
qedi |
w-uχχ-ari |
musa-gune |
|
pn
|
behind
|
m
-remain-
aor
|
pn
-
el
|
| ‘Patahi fell behind Musa.’ |
Northern Mansi
juw xul’tǝs
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| am |
juw |
xul’t-s-um |
jurt-an-ǝl |
|
i
|
back
|
stay-
pst
-1
sg
|
friend-
pl
-
el
|
| ‘I fell behind my friends.’ |
Northern Yukaghir
ponˈuol=
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Sǝmiǝn |
Əkulˈǝ-ɣаt |
ponˈ-uol-dǝŋ |
ū-j |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
leave-
res
-
cnv
|
go-
intr
.3
sg
|
| ‘Semien fell behind Akulina.’ |
Norwegian Bokmål
å ligge etter
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Per |
lå |
etter |
Ola |
|
pn
|
lie.
pst
|
after
|
pn
|
| ‘Per fell behind Ola.’ |
| Note: Phrasal verb (etter is not a flagging device). |
Polish
zostać
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| Ann-a |
zosta-ł-a |
w |
tyl-e |
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
remain:
pfv
-
pst
-
f
.3
sg
|
in
|
back-
loc
.
sg
|
| ‘Anna fell behind.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y is not overtly expressed. |
Russian
otstatʹ
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_otGEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: otGEN |
| Locus: Y |
| Pet-ja |
otsta-l |
ot |
Maš-i |
|
pn
(
m
)-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
from
|
pn
(
f
)-
gen
.
sg
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Serbian
zaostati
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Petar |
je |
zaosta-o |
za |
Marij-om |
|
pn
.
nom
.
sg
|
be.
prs
.3
sg
|
fall.behind-
part
.
perf
.
m
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Petar fell behind Maria.’ |
Shinaz Rutul
qhuʔ qharkɨ-n
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| basir |
qhuʔ |
qharkɨ-r |
karam-ɨla |
|
pn
|
behind
|
re
.
m
.remain.
pf
-
aor
|
pn
-
el
|
| ‘Basir fell behind Karam.’ |
Shughni
zibo δêdow2
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| Azim |
as |
Lola |
zibo |
δod |
|
pn
|
el
|
pn
|
behind
|
fall.
pst
|
| ‘Azim fell behind Lola.’ |
Skolt Saami
kuâđđjed
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_GENtuakka
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: GENtuakka |
| Locus: Y |
| Peâtt |
kuâđđj-i |
Määʹrj |
tuâkka |
|
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
remain-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
.
sg
.
gen
|
behind
|
| ‘Pete fell behind Maria’ |
Slovak
zaostať
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Peter |
zaosta-l |
za |
Mark-om |
|
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
behind
|
pn
(
m
)-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Peter fell behind Marek.’ |
Slovenian
zaostati
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| An-a |
je |
zaosta-l-a |
za |
Pavl-om |
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
aux
.3
sg
|
remain:
pfv
-
lpt
-
f
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Ana fell behind Pavel.’ |
Sorani Kurdish
becê man
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_le
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: le |
| Locus: Y |
| Hîwa |
le |
Diyako-î |
be |
cê |
ma-Ø |
|
pn
|
from
|
pn
-
obl
|
to
|
place
|
remain.
pst
-3
sg
|
| ‘Hiwa fell behind Diako.’ |
Southern Rutul
yıˤq'aˤde atkın
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPEREL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPEREL |
| Locus: Y |
| murad |
aydın-ııla |
yıˤq'aˤ-de |
arkı-r |
|
pn
|
pn
-
superel
|
middle_back.
obl
-
ad
|
m
.remain.
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Aydin.’ |
Spanish
quedarse atrás
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| Pedro |
se |
qued-ó |
atrás |
de |
María |
|
pn
[
sg
.
m
]
|
refl
.3
sg
|
remain-
aor
.3
sg
|
behind
|
from
|
pn
[
sg
.
f
]
|
| ‘Pedro fell behind Maria.’ |
Standard Arabic
taḫallafa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_anGEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: anGEN |
| Locus: Y |
| Badr-u-n |
taḫallafa |
ʕan |
Maryam-a |
|
pn
-
nom
-
indef
|
fall_behind.
pf
.3
m
|
off
|
pn
-
gen
|
| ‘Badr fell behind Maryam.’ |
Svan
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| maizer-Ø |
gegi-s |
č-o-x-säːd |
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
dat
|
prv
:
downward
-
ver
:
o
-
io
3-remain
|
| ‘Maizer fell behind Gegi.’ |
Swedish
att hamna efter
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Björn |
hamna-de |
efter |
Maja |
|
pn
|
end_up-
pst
|
after
|
pn
|
| ‘Björn fell behind Maja.’ |
Tagalog
|
Valency pattern:
ACT_LOC
|
| X: ACT |
| Y: LOC |
| Locus: Y |
| Na-huli |
si |
Pedro |
kay |
Miguel |
|
<
pfv
>
stem
-be_last[
av
]
|
pers
.
subj
|
pn
|
pers
.
dat
|
pn
|
| ‘Pedro fell behind Miguel.’ |
Telugu
venakapaḍu
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| pravīṇ |
maheṣ-ki |
venakapaḍḍāḍu |
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
nom
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
obl
-
dat
|
lag.
pst
.3
sg
.
m
|
| ‘Praveen fell behind Mahesh.’ |
Tsakhur
aˁvqhiyr aхviy
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPEREL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPEREL |
| Locus: Y |
| aˁli |
murad-ıle |
aˁvqhiyr |
aхu |
|
pn
|
pn
-
superel
|
behind
|
(
m
)stay.
pf
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Murad.’ |
Tsudakhar Dargwa
ʡel b-ič-iz/b-irč-iz
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPER.ABL2
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPER.ABL2 |
| Locus: Y |
| uršːi |
juldaš-li-j-kar |
ʡel |
ha-jč-ib |
|
boy
|
friend-
obl
-
super
-
abl
2
|
behind
|
up
-(
m
)fall.
pfv
-
pret
(3)
|
| ‘The boy fell behind the girl.’ |
Tsugni Dargwa
hela ka-b-ič-i / ka-b-irč-i
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_GEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: GEN |
| Locus: Y |
| durħaˤ |
rus:i-la |
hela |
ka-jč-ib |
|
boy
|
girl-
gen
|
behind
|
down-fall.
pfv
-
pret
(3)
|
| ‘The boy fell behind the girl.’ |
| Note: NP in the genitive is arguably a clause-level dependent. |
Turkish
geri kalmak
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Mehmet |
Orhan-dan |
geri |
kal-dı |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind
|
remain-
pst
|
| ‘Mehmet fell behind Orhan.’ |
Turoyo
foyəš
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ.SS_beter.m
|
| X: SBJ.SS |
| Y: beter.m |
| Locus: Y |
| Šabo |
fayəš |
bəṯṯər |
m-i |
Maryam |
|
pn
|
remain.
pfv
.3
m
|
behind
|
from-
art
.
f
|
pn
|
| ‘Šabo fell behind Maryam.’ |
Ulcha
dərəǯu-
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| tam=də |
əktə |
piktə |
dərə-ǯu-xə-ni |
|
then=
emph
|
female
|
child
|
remain-
rep
-
pst
-3
sg
|
| ‘But then the girl fell behind.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y cannot be overtly expressed. |
Uzbek
orkada kolib ketmoq
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petya |
Maša-dan |
orkada |
kol-ib |
ket-ti |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind
|
remain-
cvb
|
go_away-
pst
.3
sg
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
West Central Oromo
hafa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABSbiraa
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABSbiraa |
| Locus: Y |
| obsaa-n |
kuf-ee |
tolaa |
biraa |
haf-e |
|
pn
-
nom
|
fall-
conv
|
pn
.
abs
|
beside.
abl
|
remain-3
sg
.
m
.
pfv
|
| ‘Obsa fell and remained behind Tola.’ |
Zilo Andi
<j>-eχːudu <j>-ekː.u-j
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_CONT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: CONT |
| Locus: Y |
| pat’imati |
marjam-tʃ’u |
j-eχːudu |
j-ekː.u-j |
|
pn
[
f
][
nom
]
|
pn
-
cont
|
f
-after
|
f
-stay.
pst
-
pf
|
| ‘Patimat fell behind Mariam.’ |
