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Ulcha

Contributed by Natalia Stoynova (Academia.edu profile)

N.S.'s photo

The data were mainly gathered in 2017 in the village of Bulava (Ulchsky District). The Russian version of the questionnaire was used for elicitation.

How to cite

Stoynova, Natalia. 2021. Bivalent patterns in Ulcha. In: Say, Sergey (ed.). BivalTyp: Typological database of bivalent verbs and their encoding frames. St. Petersburg: Institute for Linguistic Studies, RAS. (Data first published on March 6, 2021; last revised on March 27, 2021.) (Available online at https://www.bivaltyp.info, Accessed on .)

Basic info

The whole questionnaire was collected with two native speakers (born in 1937 and 1957 respectively); some data were additionally collected with two more consultants (born in 1939 and 1956). In some particular cases, the elicitation data were verified and supplemented with textual data: texts collected by Orest Sunik in the 1960s and published in Sunik (1985), texts from the archive of Lidia Sem (the 1970s); texts collected by Elena Kalinina and others in 2005-2010, and those collected by Sofia Oskolskaya, Anna Smetina, and Natalia Stoynova in 2017-2019. Whenever possible, analytic decisions were based on the data from the earlier texts, since they are presupposed to be less influenced by Russian. The dictionary by Sunik (1985) was also used to check the data: there is quite a rich list of verbal lexemes in the dictionary, although there is neither any information on their valency patterns nor illustrative examples.

Language attrition might have influenced the data presented. The consultants failed to recall several Ulcha verbs. In some cases, syntactic calquing from Russian can be suspected. A simplified transcription based on that proposed in Sunik (1985) is used in the examples.

Grammar notes

Basic clause structure and the transitive construction

Ulcha consistently displays the accusative alignment. All arguments of the verb are marked by case suffixes or are expressed by postpositional phrases. Subjects are also indexed on the verb by person-number suffixes (these suffixes can be omitted in some contexts).

(1) Zina,  palam-ba   sil'ču-si?
    PN     floor-ACC  wash.PRS-2SG
    ‘Zina, are you washing the floor?’

Word order is not used as an argument encoding device. TAM-features of the predicate do not influence argument encoding.

The verbal person-number subject suffixes are shown in Table 1. Here and below, the tilde separates allomorphs conditioned by inflectional class, the slash separates variants conditioned by vowel harmony, and dialect variants are parenthesized.

Table 1. Person-number subject suffixes (main indicative forms)

SG PL
1 -i~-bi -pu (-mu)
2 -si -su
3 -ni -ti

Ulcha is a language with differential object marking. By default, the direct object is expressed by the accusative case (1). However, in some contexts the unmarked (nominative) form can be also used (2), (3). The accusative marker is never used when the possessive reflexive marker is present (2). In all other cases (3) there is no strict distribution between the accusative vs. unmarked forms: the choice is regulated mostly by referential properties of the object. In the database, the argument encoding is considered as transitive (TR) irrespectively of whether the accusative or unmarked form was chosen in a particular example.

(2) bi   mə̄n   am-bi           sā-ra-sim
    I    self  father-REFL.SG  know-CONNEG-PRS.NEG.1SG
    ‘I don’t know my father.’

(3) mənə        sugdata  wā-ŋda-su-j
    by_oneself  fish     kill-AM-HAB-PRS
    ‘She herself goes fishing (lit. to kill fish).’

Case system

Ulcha has 8 (or 9, see below) cases. The case suffixes are shown in Table 2.

Table 2. Case suffixes

Case Marker Gloss
Nominative unmarked
Accusative -wa/-wə~-ba/-bə ACC
Dative/Essive -du DAT
Lative -ti LAT
Instrumental -ǯi INS
[Ablative] [-ǯiǯi] ABL
Prolative -ki PROL
Locative -la/-lə~-dula/-dulə LOC
Destinative -ǯu DEST

The ablative case -ǯiǯi, which is shown in square brackets in Table 2, is not used by modern speakers. The loss of the ablative case is a recent innovation. In Nanai, which is the closest sister of Ulcha, there are two separate cases, i.e., the ablative -ǯiaǯi/-ǯiəǯi and the instrumental -ǯi. Petrova (1936) mentions that in Ulcha source can be encoded by the dedicated marker -ǯiǯi and by -ǯi, which diachronically might be a short form of the ablative, homonymic with the instrumental. Modern speakers use the only marker -ǯi with reference both to instruments (4) and sources (5).

(4)  mō-ǯi     ti-wa     pati-ču-mar          tugbu-s-i      bi-či-pu
     tree-INS  that-ACC  hit-ITER-CVB.SIM.PL  drop-IPFV-PRS  be-PST-1PL
     ‘We used to shake them (cones) off, hitting them with a stick.’

(5)  əj    əktə    dili-ǯi-ni    ńə̄-ri-ti        amba-sal
     this  female  head-INS-3SG  go_out-PRS-3PL  devil-PL
     ‘Devils are going out of this woman’s head!’

The destinative case is used in the contexts implying an appearance or a change of the possessor, e.g., in those denoting creation, benefaction, searching-finding, asking-offering events (6)-(8). The destinative form encodes the object of such an event, which at the same time is a new possessee. The destinative suffix is always accompanied with the possessive suffix encoding the person-number of a new possessor. The possessor can be overtly expressed (8), although such uses are rare (the possessor takes the unmarked form, exactly as that within the noun phrase). In this sense, the destinative construction is close to trivalent ones. The argument encoded by the destinative case is always non-specific and cannot have its own modifiers, otherwise it is expressed by the accusative case or the unmarked form, as a regular direct object, cf. piktəǯuj [child-DEST-REFL.SG] vs. xusə piktə [male child] in (7), used with the same verb baqa- ‘to give birth (lit. to find (a child))’. Due to these restrictions, baqa- is analyzed as displaying the transitive pattern (rather than to the pattern with the Y argument encoded by the destinative case).

(6)  ti-du     Bur-du          ədi-ǯu-j              baqa-ra
     that-DAT  Khabarovsk-DAT  husband-DEST-REFL.SG  find-CVB.NSIM
     ‘There in Khabarovsk I married (lit. found a husband for myself).’

(7)  piktə-ǯu-j=də            baqa-xa,  xusə  piktə  baqa-xa
     child-DEST-REFL.SG=EMPH  find-PST  male  child  find-PST
     ‘And (she) gave birth to a child, to a boy’. (Sunik 1985: txt 5)

(8)   ti    Nikita  šuba-ǯu-n          anǯu-ktu-wu
      that  PN      fur_coat-DEST-3SG  make-DISTR-IMPS
      ‘They will sew a fur coat for this Nikita.’

Along with the case system, there is a system of postpositions, or rather spatial nouns, in Ulcha, e.g., dō- ‘inside’, xami- ‘behind’, ǯuli- ‘in front of’. A postposition within the postpositional phrase behaves similarly to a head noun within the possessive noun phrase (9)-(10). The dependent noun is unmarked, while the postposition takes a possessive person-number suffix, according to its person-number. It also takes a case suffix, according to the directional meaning.

(9)  direktor  ǯuli-lə-n
     director  in_front_of-LOC-3SG
     ‘{They were staying} in front of the director.’

(10) qori  ǯuli-ki-n
     barn  in_front_of-PROL-3SG
     ‘{I was playing} in front of the barn.’

An exceptional postposition is =ban~=bən ‘to, into’, which is much more grammaticalized: it is a clitic, it does not inflect either for person-number (i.e., takes the frozen 3SG form in all contexts) or for case (since it expresses the only goal meaning). Unlike other postpositions, it does not specify a particular localization, but expresses a generalized lative meaning. In this function, it competes with the lative case form. In most contexts, there is a free (or almost free) variation between lative and =ban~=bən.

Verb lemmas

Verbs are shown in the form of a bare stem (including valency-changing, aspect, and modality markers, but excluding tense and person-number affixes).

Glossing abbreviations

1, 2, 3 — 1, 2, 3 person; ABL — ablative; ACC — accusative; ADV — adverbializer; AM — associated motion; ATTEN — attenuative; CARIT — caritive; CAUS — causative; CMPR — comparative; CONNEG — connegative; CVB — converb; DAT — dative/essive; DECAUS — decausative; DEM — demonym; DESID — desiderative; DEST — destinative; DISTR — distributive; EMPH — emphatic; HAB — habitual; IMIT — imitative; IMP — imperative; IMPS — impersonal; INCH — inchoative; INS — instrumental; IPFV — imperfective; ITER — iterative; LAT — lative; LOC — locative; NEG — negative; NOM — nominative; NSIM — non-simultaneous; PL — plural; PN — person name; POSS — possessive; PROL — prolative; PRS — present; PST — past; PTCL — particle; Q — question particle; REC — reciprocal; REFL — reflexive; REP — repetitive; RES — resultative; RSTR — restrictive; SEL — selective; SG — singular; SIM — simultaneous; TR — transitive; VBLZ — verbalizer.

References

Census 2010. Itogi Vserossijskoj perepisi naselenija 2010 goda [Results of the All-Russian population census 2010]. Vladenie jazykami naseleniem korennyx malochislennyx narodov Rossijskoj Federacii. (Accessed on 24.02.2021)

Petrova, Taisija I. 1936. Ul’čskij dialect nanajskogo jazyka [The Ulcha dialect of Nanai]. Moscow, Leningrad: Učpedgiz.

Sunik, Orest P. 1985. Ul’čskij jazyk. Issledovanija i materialy [Ulcha. Studies and materials]. Leningrad: Nauka.

Data

Subset examples by valency pattern
Subset examples by locus

1. feel pain ( ənusi- ):

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
əj xusə piktə-du ǯili-n ənu-s-i-n
this male child- dat head-3 sg be_ill- ipfv - prs -3 sg
‘This boy has a headache.’

2. have (illness) ( ənusi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə ərgə ənu-ǯi-n ənu-s-i-n
male child breath illness- ins -3 sg be_ill- ipfv - prs -3 sg
‘The boy has tuberculosis.’

3. be afraid ( ŋə̄ləči- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
əj xusə piktə iŋda-ǯi ŋə̄lə-č-i-n
this male child dog- ins fear- iter - prs -3 sg
‘This boy is afraid of the dog.’

4. throw ( ǯololo- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
um piktə ǯolo-wa ǯololo-xo
one child stone- acc throw- pst
‘A boy threw a stone.’

5. have enough ( isi- ):

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ama-du ǯaxa gurə is-i-ni
father- dat money roomy reach- prs -3 sg
‘Now father has (quite) enough money.’

6. resemble ( bi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_CMPR
X: NOM
Y: CMPR
Locus: Y
əj xusə piktə dām-bi=məčilə bī-n
this male child grandfather- refl . sg = cmpr be. prs -3 sg
‘This boy resembles his grandfather.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

7. believe ( agdi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
əj xusə piktə əktə piktə-ti agd-i-ni
this male child female child- lat trust- prs -3 sg
‘This boy believes the girl.’

8. take ( ǯapa- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj xusə piktə pēŋga-ǯi daŋsa-wa ǯapa-xa-ni
this male child shelf- ins book- acc take- pst -3 sg
‘This boy took a book from the shelf.’

9. see ( ičə- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə dāi xagdu-wa ič-i-ni
male child big house- acc see- prs -3 sg
‘The boy sees a big house.’

10. influence ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

11. encounter ( ačala- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
um ńī-wə ačal-xa
one human- acc meet- pst
‘[This boy] encountered a person.’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

12. enter ( ī- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_dooLAT
X: NOM
Y: dooLAT
Locus: Y
xusə piktə xagdu dō-ti-ni ī-xə-ni
male child house inside- lat -3 sg enter- pst -3 sg
‘The boy entered the house.’

13. win ( dabdi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə əktə piktə-wə dabda-xa-n
male child female child- acc win- pst -3 sg
‘The boy beat the girl.’
Note: The speaker was not sure about the verb (dabdi-, dabda-, or dabdaǯu-).

14. go out ( ńə̄- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə xagdu-ǯi ńə̄-xə-ni
male child house- ins go_out- pst -3 sg
‘The boy went out of the house.’

15. drive ( puŋəči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə ixa-wa puŋə-č-i-ni
male child cow- acc drive- iter - prs -3 sg
‘The boy is driving the cows.’

16. bend ( mokčo-mokčo opawan- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
tara ti mərgən mə̄n ǯai mokčo-mokčo opa-wan-da
then that hero self birch_boat bent become- caus - cvb . nsim
‘Then this hero bent his birch boat.’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

17. tell ( wən- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ti wən-či-n: ńimər-u min-ti!
male child female child- lat say- pst -3 sg visit- imp i - lat
‘The boy told the girl: come and visit me!’

18. hold ( ǯapča- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə ŋāla-ǯi daŋsa-wa ǯap-č-i-ni
male child hand- ins book- acc take- res - prs -3 sg
‘The boy is holding a book in his hands.’

19. catch up ( xaŋpanǯu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə əktə piktə-wə xaŋpan-ǯu-xa-ni
male child female child- acc pursue- rep - pst -3 sg
‘The boy caught up with the girl.’

20. milk ( siri- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əńə ixa-wa sir-xə-ni
mother cow- acc milk- pst -3 sg
‘Mother milked the cow.’

21. reach ( xā- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
xusə piktə sapsi kera-ti-ni xā-xa-ni
male child bank edge- lat -3 sg land- pst -3 sg
‘The boy came ashore.’
Note: Not quite exact translation of the stimulus sentence.

22. touch ( tunči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə ŋāla-ǯi qorča-wa tunči-xə-ni
male child hand- ins wall- acc touch- pst -3 sg
‘The boy touched the wall with his hand.’

23. fight ( sormači- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ǯi sor-mač-i-ni
male child female child- ins fight- rec - prs -3 sg
‘The boy is fighting with the girl.’

24. be friends ( əməǯi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ǯi əməǯ-i-ni
male child female child- ins be_friend- prs -3 sg
‘The boy is friends with the girl.’

25. think ( muruči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj xusə piktə sup muruč-i-n əj əktə piktə-wə
this male child constantly think- prs -3 sg this female child- acc
‘This boy is constantly thinking about this girl.’

26. eat ( ǯəp- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə uniktə-wə ǯək-pi-ni
male child wild_apple- acc eat- pst -3 sg
‘The boy ate a wild apple.’

27. fry ( ǯal'ǯači- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əniə sugdata-wa ǯal'ǯača-xa-n
mother fish- acc roast- pst -3 sg
‘Mother fried the fish.’

28. wait ( xalači- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə əktə piktə-wə xaj-du=nu xalač-i-ni
male child female child- acc what- dat = q wait- prs -3 sg
‘The boy is somewhere waiting for the girl.’

29. forget ( oŋbo- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə goj pokto-wo oŋbo-xo-ni
male child other way- acc forget- pst -3 sg
‘The boy forgot about the other road.’

30. depend ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

31. call ( xərsi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
tara ən-bi xərsi-xə-ni
then mother- refl . sg call- pst -3 sg
‘Then [he] called his mother.’

32. get to know ( ičə- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
bi əj piktə-wə tiŋi ańan-du ičə-xəm-bi
i this child- acc last year- dat see- pst -1 sg
‘I got to know (lit. saw) this child last year.’
Note: Not included in the database because this translation is semantically inaccurate.

33. know ( sā- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
bi nam piktə-wə-n sā-ri-ji
i s/he child- acc -3 sg know- prs -1 sg
‘I know his/her child.’

34. play (instrument) ( xupi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
min piktə-j təŋkərə-ǯi xup-i-ni
my child-1 sg tengkere- ins play- prs -3 sg
‘My son is playing the tengkere.’
Note: Tengkere is a string instrument.

35. avoid ( sirkəči- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
titam min-ǯi sir-kəč-i-ni
therefore i - ins hide- imit - prs -3 sg
‘This is why [he] avoids me (lit. hides himself from).’
Note: Not quite exact translation of the stimulus sentence.

36. make ( anǯu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj ńī bomba-wa anǯu-xa-ni
this person bomb- acc make- pst -3 sg
‘This man made a bomb.’

37. make fun ( siŋgərəkəči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə əktə piktə-wə siŋgərə-kəč-i-n
male child female child- acc jeer- imit - prs -3 sg
‘The boy is making fun of the girl.’

38. have ( bi- ):

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
min piktə-du mašina bī-ni
my child- dat car be. prs -3 sg
‘My son has a car.’

39. look for ( gələǯu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə aŋaqo-wa gələ-ǯ-i-ni
male child key- acc search- rep - prs -3 sg
‘The boy is looking for his key.’

40. paint ( ńīlči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama kərəmbə-wə ńīl-či-xə-n
father fence- acc paint- iter - pst -3 sg
‘Father painted the fence.’

41. bite ( iktəmən- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
min xusə piktə-wə-ji iŋda iktəmən-či-ni
my male child- acc -1 sg dog bite- pst -3 sg
‘A dog bit my son.’

42. forfeit ( očo- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_CARIT
X: NOM
Y: CARIT
Locus: Y
ama xagdu=ana očo-xa-ni
father house= carit become- pst -3 sg
‘Father lost his house.’

43. try to catch ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

44. break ( kiŋdali- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə mō-wa kiŋdala-xa-ni
male child tree- acc break- pst -3 sg
‘The boy broke a stick.’

45. flatter ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

46. love (person) ( uləsi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj xusə piktə ti əktə piktə-wə uləs-i-ni
this male child that female child- acc love- prs -3 sg
‘This boy loves that girl.’

47. wave ( xarxi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
əńi-n goj sapsi kera-do-ni puŋku-ǯi xarx-i-ni
mother-3 sg other bank edge- dat -3 sg kerchief- ins wave- prs -3 sg
‘His mother is waving a handkerchief on the other bank (of the river).’

48. dream ( muruči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama sičəu ogda-wa muruč-i-ni
father new boat- acc think- prs -3 sg
‘Father is dreaming (lit. thinking) of a new boat.’

49. wash ( silči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əńə čāmi-wa silču-xə-ni
mother cup- acc wash- pst -3 sg
‘Mother washed the cup.’

50. put on ( tətu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj xusə piktə mənə pəru-w tətu-xə-ni
this male child by_oneself trousers- acc put_on- pst -3 sg
‘This boy put on his trousers himself.’

51. be called ( gəlbu ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
əj al'o gəlbu-ni soro
this vessel name-3 sg soro
‘This vessel is called a soro.’
Note: Not included in the database because i) X is expressed as an NP-internal modifier, ii) Y is expressed as a (non-verbal) predicate (not an argument).

52. punish ( gosila- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ami-ni mə̄n piktə-ji ńī-ǯi sori-n turgun-dulə-ni gosla-xa-ni
father-3 sg self child- refl . sg person- ins fight-3 sg cause- loc -3 sg criticize- pst -3 sg
‘Father scolded his son for a fight with other people.’
Note: Not included in the database because this translation is semantically inaccurate.

53. attack ( xukču- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
buju bəjč-i ńī-ti xukču-xə-ni
bear hunt- prs person- lat attack- pst -3 sg
‘A bear attacked a hunter.’

54. fill (intr) ( ǯalum o- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
tara mūlu tēs ǯalum o-či-ni
then birchbark_bucket very full become- pst -3 sg
‘Then the mulu (birchbark bucket) filled up to the brim.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y cannot be overtly expressed. Non-verbal predicate.

55. find ( bāqu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama anaqu-wa bā-qo-xa-ni
father key- acc find- rep - pst -3 sg
‘Father found the keys.’

56. be short ( isi- + NEG ):

Valency pattern: DAT_DAT
X: DAT
Y: DAT
Locus: XY
ama-du um taŋgu-du is-ə-si-ni
father- dat one hundred- dat reach- conneg - prs . neg -3 sg
‘Father is one hundred [roubles] short.’
Note: Arguably, this is an elliptical structure, the third implicit argument is 'money' (encoded by the nominative case when overt).

57. hate ( gosi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama mə̄n ag-bi gos-i-ni
father self elder_brother- refl . sg hate- prs -3 sg
‘Father hates his elder brother.’

58. like ( uləsi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əktə piktə dāda-ŋgu-ni tətu-wə-ni uləs-i-ni
female child grandmother- poss -3 sg garment- acc -3 sg love- prs -3 sg
‘The girl likes her grandma’s gown.’

59. need ( gələu- ):

Valency pattern: DAT_ACC
X: DAT
Y: ACC
Locus: XY
əsi nanduti ǯaxa gələ-u-ŋ=guni
now they. dat money search- imps -?= ptcl
‘Now they need money.’
Note: This is an impersonal construction.

60. surround ( bi- ):

Valency pattern: dooLOC_NOM
X: dooLOC
Y: NOM
Locus: X
bāča dō-la-n bī-n
island water inside- loc -3 sg be. prs -3 sg
‘The island is surrounded by (lit. is in) the water.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

61. remain ( puləǯu- ):

Valency pattern: DAT_NOM
X: DAT
Y: NOM
Locus: X
ama-du um taŋgu gumasaka-kən pulə-ǯu-xə-n
father- dat one hundred rouble- rstr be_redundant- rep - pst -3 sg
‘Father has one hundred roubles left.’

62. answer ( ǯarali- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
əldəŋgə, əldəŋgə, xawli ńī-ti ǯaral-i ta-m o-či-ni
interesting interesting anyway human- lat answer- prs do- cvb . sim . sg become- pst -3 sg
‘Interesting, interesting, [he] even learned how to speak (lit. became the one who answers the man).’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

63. open ( ńī- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
bukwar'-wə ńī-rərə, ti nə̄-xə
abc _book- acc open- cvb . nsim so put- pst
‘[We] opened the ABC book and put it like this.’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

64. be different ( xaŋsi bi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
min tətu-j siŋgi-ǯi xaŋsi bī-n
my garment-1 sg yours- ins different be. prs -3 sg
‘My gown is different from yours.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

65. fall behind ( dərəǯu- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
tam=də əktə piktə dərə-ǯu-xə-ni
then= emph female child remain- rep - pst -3 sg
‘But then the girl fell behind.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y cannot be overtly expressed.

66. plough ( bojali- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama nā-wa bojal-i-ni
father ground- acc break. tr - prs -3 sg
‘Father is ploughing the field (lit. breaking the ground).’

67. smell ( waqisi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
tara əsi min ŋāla-j benzin-ǯi waqis-i-ni
then now my hand-1 sg petrol- ins stink- prs -3 sg
‘And now my hands stink of gasoline.’

68. cross ( wəli- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əgdi xurəm-bə wəlu-m
many mountain- acc cross- cvb . sim . sg
‘After crossing many mountains...’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

69. sing ( jaja- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
dāda largi jaja-wa jaja-xa-ni.
grandmother nice song- acc sing- pst -3 sg
‘Grandma sang a beautiful song.’

70. write ( ńuru- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama bitxə-wə ńur-xə-ni
father letter- acc write- pst -3 sg
‘Father wrote a letter.’

71. drink ( umi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
piktə moloko-wa čupal umu-xa-ni
child milk- acc whole drink- pst -3 sg
‘This child drank all the milk.’

72. melt ( umbuwən- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama ǯū-wə um-buwən-či-ni
father ice- acc melt- caus - pst -3 sg
‘Father melted the ice.’

73. match ( ača- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
əj umali min tətu-ti ač-i-ni
this belt my garment- lat correspond- prs -3 sg
‘This belt goes well with my gown.’

74. leave ( ŋənu- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
min ag-bi əj gasan-ǯi čup ŋənu-xə-ni
my elder_brother-1 sg this village- ins forever go_away- pst -3 sg
‘My elder brother left this village for good.’

75. cover ( dasi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj qorča daqanča-ni qorča-wa čupal dasi-xa-ni
this wall coverlet-3 sg wall- acc whole close- pst -3 sg
‘The carpet covers the whole wall.’

76. remember ( əǯəči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama ulən-ǯi əǯə-č-i-ni mə̄n bi-čim xagdu-wa
father good- adv remember- iter - prs -3 sg self be- pst . refl . sg house- acc
‘Father remembers the house where he lived well.’

77. help ( bələči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ti asi-n ... ti ən-bə-n bələč-i, mama-wa bələč-i
that wife-3 sg ... that mother- acc -3 sg help- prs old_woman- acc help- prs
‘This wife of his helps his mother, helps the old woman.’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

78. understand (language) ( utuli- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama nāńi xəsə-wə-n utul-i-ni
father u lcha word- acc -3 sg understand- prs -3 sg
‘Father understands Ulcha.’

79. hit (target) ( nāŋgu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
agdi xagdu-wa nāŋgu-xa-n
thunder house- acc hit_target- pst -3 sg
‘Lightning struck the house.’

80. cut oneself ( bajla- məpi ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə kučən-ǯi bajla-xa-ni məpi
male child knife- ins hurt- pst -3 sg refl . sg
‘The boy hurt himself with a knife.’

81. get stuck ( daqsa- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_ban
X: NOM
Y: ban
Locus: Y
al’o dərə=bən daqsa-xa-ni
vessel table=to stick- pst -3 sg
‘The vessel (cup/plate) got stuck to the table.’

82. lose (game) ( dabda- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
təmu ńī-n mərgə-n=də dabda-xa
underwater_world human-3 sg hero-3 sg = emph lose_game- pst
‘And the hero of the underwater world's people lost the game.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y cannot be overtly expressed. This example is taken from natural texts.

83. be glad ( bārači- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
bārač-i piktə-wər, ti xərəkə-wə
be_glad- prs child- refl . pl that frog- acc
‘[They] are glad about their child, this little frog.’
Note: Not included in the database because arguably inanimate Y cannot be overtly expressed. This example is taken from natural texts.

84. speak ( určulun- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
ama əńi-ǯi určulun-di-ni
father mother- ins talk- prs -3 sg
‘Father is speaking with mother.’

85. give birth ( baqa- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj əktə xusə piktə-wə baqa-xa-ni
this female male child- acc find- pst -3 sg
‘This woman gave birth to a son.’

86. drop ( tugbu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə čāmi-wa tugbu-xə-ni
male child cup- acc drop- pst -3 sg
‘This boy dropped the glass.’

87. govern ( dālači- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əńə detsad-ba dālač-i-ni
mother kindergarten- acc manage- prs -3 sg
‘Mother runs the kindergarten.’

88. miss ( ǯonǯi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əktə piktə mə̄n ən-bi ǯonǯ-i-ni
female child self mother- refl . sg miss- prs -3 sg
‘The girl misses her mother.’

89. follow ( pulsi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_xamiPROL
X: NOM
Y: xamiPROL
Locus: Y
əj iŋda min xami-ki-je ti pul-s-i-ni
this dog my behind- prol -1 sg so walk- ipfv - prs -3 sg
‘This dog follows me like this.’

90. dismount ( xulunǯu- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
ama murin-ǯi xulun-ǯu-xə-ni
father horse- ins climb_out- rep - pst -3 sg
‘Father got down from the horse.’

91. listen ( dosoǯi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama raǯio dosoǯ-i-ni
father radio listen- prs -3 sg
‘Father is listening to radio.’

92. obey ( dosoǯi- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
xusə piktə ən-bi xəsə-wə-n dosoǯ-i-ni
male child mother- refl . sg word- acc -3 sg listen- prs -3 sg
‘The boy listens to his mother (lit. his mother’s words).’
Note: Not included in the database because this translation is semantically inaccurate and Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

93. hear ( doldi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama min jaja-wa-je dold-i-ni
father my song- acc -1 sg hear- prs -3 sg
‘Father hears my song.’

94. mix ( solip- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
moloko mū-ǯi soli-k-pi-ni
milk water- ins mix- decaus - pst -3 sg
‘The milk got mixed with water.’

95. look ( ičəǯə- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama təwəksə-wə ičə-ǯ-i-ni
father cloud- acc see- res - prs -3 sg
‘Father is looking at the clouds.’

96. take off ( ačo- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama tətu-j ačo-xa-ni
father garment- refl . sg take_off- pst -3 sg
‘Father took off his shirt (garment).’

97. dream (sleeping) ( tolčiči- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
bi əj piktə-wə sup tolči-č-i-ji
i this child- acc all_the_time dream- iter - prs -3 sg
‘I dream about this boy all the time.’

98. agree ( taxala- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
ama əńi-ǯi taxala-xa-ni
father mother- ins agree- pst -3 sg
‘Father agreed with mother.’

99. have a quarrel ( sori- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə əktə piktə-ǯi sori-xa-ni
male child female child- ins fight- pst -3 sg
‘The boy had a quarrel with the girl.’

100. cost ( bi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_DAT
X: NOM
Y: DAT
Locus: Y
əj mewti um taŋgu-du bī-ni
this gun one hundred- dat be. prs -3 sg
‘This gun costs a hundred (roubles).’

101. shoot at ( mewtila- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama čiŋdə-wə mewti-la-xa, [čor-la-xa]
father bird- acc gun- vblz - pst -3 sg [outside- vblz - pst ]
‘Father shot at the bird, [he missed].’

102. pour ( xūlu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama seata-wa čaj=ban xūl-xə-ni
father sugar- acc tea=to pour- pst -3 sg
‘Father poured the sugar into the tea.’

103. lose ( wədə- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama anaqu-wa wədə-xə-ni
father key- acc lose- pst -3 sg
‘Father lost the keys.’

104. sink ( o- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
mūlu dō-la-ni o-či-ni
birchbark_bucket water inside- loc -3 sg become- pst -3 sg
‘Mulu (birchbark bucket) got in the water.’
Note: Not included in the database because this translation is semantically inaccurate. Mulu is a birch bark bucket.

105. kill ( wā- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama buju-wə wā-xa-ni
father bear- acc kill- pst -3 sg
‘Father killed the bear.’

106. hit ( pātila- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama ńima-nča-wa pātila-xa-ni
father neighbour- dem - acc hit- pst -3 sg
‘Father hit the neighbor.’

107. kiss ( alawsi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə əktə piktə-wə alawsa-xa-ni
male child female child- acc kiss- pst -3 sg
‘The boy kissed the girl.’

108. read ( taun- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
xusə piktə səbǯińul daŋsa-wa taun-či-ni
male child interesting book- acc read- pst -3 sg
‘The boy read an interesting book.’

109. move (bodypart) ( tunči- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
xusə piktə čumuču-ǯi tunči-xə-ni
male child finger- ins touch- pst -3 sg
‘The boy moved his finger.’

110. respect ( uləsi- ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ti ńī rəbalka-du=də ulə tamata gursəl-bə uləs-i bi-či-t=gun
that human fishing- dat = emph good such people- acc love- prs be- pst -3 pl = ptcl
‘... whoever was good at fishing, [everyone] liked such people.’
Note: Not included in the database because this translation is semantically inaccurate. This example is taken from natural texts.

111. be squeamish ( gali- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ńī mə̄p gal-i-wa-ni ti nəu-dumə wən-di-ni
human refl . sg be_squeamish- prs - acc -3 sg that young- sel say- prs -3 sg
‘That younger one [= the bear] says that the human [= the woman] is squeamish about him’.
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

112. be content ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

113. fall in love ( uləsulu- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
əj xusə piktə əj əktə piktə-wə uləsu-lu-xə-ni
this male child this female child- acc love- inch - pst -3 sg
‘This boy fell in love with the girl.’

114. trust ( agdi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
əńi-n mə̄n piktə-ti agd-i-ni
mother-3 sg self child- lat believe- prs -3 sg
‘Mother trusts her child.’

115. sympathise ( guǯələsi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
min dāma-ŋgu-j mimbə tēs guǯələ-s-i bi-či-n
my grandfather- poss -1 sg i . acc very feel_sorry- ipfv - prs be- pst -3 sg
‘My grandfather sympathised with me a lot.’
Note: This example is taken from natural texts.

116. envy ( ananasi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
nan əj əktə-wə ananas-i-ni
s/he this female- acc envy- prs -3 sg
‘S/he envies this woman.’

117. be angry ( tagdanasi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_ban
X: NOM
Y: ban
Locus: Y
ama əńi=ban tagda-nas-i-ni
father mother=to be_angry- atten - prs -3 sg
‘Father is angry with mother.’

118. be surprised ( pəskə- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama min daru-wa-j kət pəskə-xə-n
father my gift- acc -1 sg very wonder- pst -3 sg
‘Father was surprised at my gift.’

119. love (tea) ( uləsi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
ama čaj-wa uləs-i-ni
father tea- acc love- prs -3 sg
‘Father loves tea.’

120. enjoy ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

121. want ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
ama sičəu mewtim-ba ga-ǯič-i-ni
father new gun- acc buy- desid - prs -3 sg
‘Father wants to buy a new gun.’
Note: Not included in the database because the intended meaning is expressed by the desiderative suffix.

122. have a grudge ( tagdanasi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_ban
X: NOM
Y: ban
Locus: Y
ama piktə=bən tagda-nas-i-ni
father child=to feel_angry- atten - prs -3 sg
‘Father is angry with his child.’

123. take offence ( aqsa- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_LAT
X: NOM
Y: LAT
Locus: Y
ama mə̄n piktə-ti aqsa-xa-ni
father self child- lat take_offence- pst -3 sg
‘Father took offence at his child.’

124. upset ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

125. marvel ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

126. despise ( gosi- ):

Valency pattern: TR
X: NOM
Y: ACC
Locus: TR
mə̄n baǯu-sal-bi gos-i-pu
we self enemy- pl - refl . sg hate- prs -1 pl
‘We despise our enemies.’

127. get upset ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

128. get irritated ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

129. be fond ( * ):

Valency pattern: NA
X: *
Y: *
Locus: *
*
*
*
Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained.

130. be shy ( ilamsi- ):

Valency pattern: NOM_INS
X: NOM
Y: INS
Locus: Y
əj piktə mə̄n bəjə-ǯi ilams-i-ni
this child self body- ins be_ashamed- prs -3 sg
‘This boy is embarrased about his body.’